"The Puppet Master"
by No'am Amit
Ma'ariv (Tel Aviv)
May 2, 2003
[FBIS Translated Text] It was one of the worst days Israel experienced
ever since a wave of murderous terror attacks swept its streets. One
attack came on the heels of another and the number of fatalities was
already more than 20. On the evening of that damned day, Omar Sulayman
said in Cairo: "It is a shame that not more Jews had died." When the
person making the remark is head of the Egyptian intelligence, the
strongest man there after President Mubarak and one of three candidates
to take his place, someone in the Jerusalem government corridors should
be concerned -- mainly in view of the ease with which Sulayman moves in
and out of Ari'el Sharon's Sycamore Ranch, going on from there to secret
meetings in Arafat's bureau in Ramallah, and returning to update senior
officials in the Foreign and Defense Ministries.
Until some two years ago, Sulayman was known only to the intelligence
community and certain high-level political officials in Israel. The man
who for a decade has been heading the strongest and most significant
intelligence organization in the Arab world kept absolutely quiet. Last
Wednesday, the whole world was watching him while he shuttled between the
offices of PA Chairman Yasir Arafat and PA Prime Minister Designate
Mahmud Abbas (Abu-Mazin). Only he could attain a compromise between
them, appearing as a statesman who contributed to the establishment of
the new Palestinian cabinet more than anyone else.
On the Egyptian street, people are still careful not to spell out the
name of the chief of intelligence. Unlike Western intelligence
organizations, the Egyptian intelligence is powerful outside the country,
but is particularly terrifying within Egypt's boundaries. It is advised
not to take chances when touring Cairo or Alexandria. You cannot tell
whether the kiosk vendor is an agent of Sulayman and his men.
A French Internet site that specializes in international intelligence
communities and carries thousands of names does not include Sulayman,
although he heads a large intelligence organization. Israeli sources
maintain that this fact attests to the clever and secret ways in which he
operates. "Who is he really? What is he really after the external
layers are removed? That I do not know, but this is part of what makes
him such a good intelligence officer and shows how wise and restraint he
is," one source said.
The Egyptians became familiar with Sulayman's name only over the past
two years, and that too was part of a long and calculated process.
First, the Egyptian television was allowed to occasionally show his face
in the background, next to Mubarak, as a member of an Egyptian delegation
to summit meetings and major occasions. At that time, CNN also showed
his face for the first time. Next, he was mentioned in the press by
name alone, without his title, as a senior official who might take the
place of Foreign Minister Amr Musa when he ended his term in early 2001.
The establishment newspaper Al-Aharam Al-Arabi first mentioned his name
in April 2001. It appeared at the bottom of a small news item, where
Sulayman was described as "chief of intelligence."
Last Saturday, Editor Samir Rajab wrote in the Egyptian paper
Al-Jumhuriyah: "Omar Sulayman, whose name could not be mentioned until
some two years ago, is gaining momentum on both the internal Egyptian
scene and the international scene." Rajab noted that, under Sulayman,
the powers of the general intelligence were significantly expanded and
that presently, he also engages in social welfare and education issues,
and even established hospitals. Naturally, he does that in addition to
the traditional powers due to his function, which is heading the Egyptian
bodies that correspond with Israel's Shin Bet and Mosad. His role makes
him the most senior military figure in Egypt.
Sulayman obsessively monitors the international media. He knows
that the Israeli and the Western press are free, but he cannot believe
that it is different from the reality in Egypt, where the press speaks
for the government. Reading an article about him in the foreign press,
he will always look for hidden messages from the government there.
In Egypt, no article or report about him is published without his
authorization. Rajab's article, therefore, whether credible or not,
shows that attempts are being made to increase Sulayman's popularity as a
person who looks after social welfare issues. The praising and
sympathetic article is an important road-sign indicating that Sulayman is
gaining power and stepping out of the intelligence shadows.
Sulayman, 65, is a lawyer by trade and devoutly religious. He
resides in the prestigious Cairo compound known as the Al-Andalus Castle,
the official residence of senior Egyptian Government officials, under
tight security and not far from Mubarak's residence.
At first glance, he looks like a classic spy -- bolding, chubby, of
medium height, a person who draws no particular attention. On second
glance, people who met him said, you notice his dark eyes and piercing
gaze. He does not speak much, but when he does, his voice is quiet and
restraint and his words are thought out. "He is an impressive man," a
person who met him said. "He has what the Arabs call 'hava' -- meaning,
dignity. He has presence." Sulayman conducts himself in a
presidential kind of way, demonstrating a sense of self-importance that
is rare in the milieu of other senior position holders in the Arab world.
He is used to being treated with dignity and the people around him know
what he wants and needs even before he does. His needs are provided
right on time. Coffee, food, beverages, or cigarettes are presented to
him in perfect timing.
His bureau is unusually majestic, reminding a king's palace more than
anything else. "Even on the level of other Arab heads of state, his is
a most distinguished bureau," said a foreign intelligence organization
source who visited him there on numerous occasions. "It shows his
status, the way other people see him, and the way he sees himself. He
is beyond the status of chief of intelligence; way beyond."
Remembering his visits to Cairo, Knesset Member [MK] Yosi Sarid said
he actually has an ordinary bureau, not flashy at all. "It is like the
offices of Israeli ministers. He is an impressive man, but free of
rulers' mannerism," Sarid said. "He creates an air of intimacy already
in your first meeting with him, and your conversation runs smoothly so
you feel like you have known him for years. He is a very pleasant
person. Men in his position often tend to be pompous, but he is not
pompous at all. I recall no special splendor there."
The gap between these two descriptions is a perfect example of the
way the Egyptian chief of intelligence conducts himself. A politician
who meets him is expected to rush to the media and report the details of
the meeting, so he gets to see simple offices and is exposed to no
special mannerisms. When senior diplomats or intelligence officials are
invited, they are taken to Sulayman's palace to receive a first-hand
impression of how well his men respect him. Each gets the treatment
Sulayman believes he deserves.
Standing next to Mubarak, Sulayman remains modest and humble. There
is, however, one thing everyone agrees on about Sulayman -- he is a
discreet man, very skilled, and clearly loyal to Mubarak.
Despite the remark that Sulayman made in view of the terror attacks
in Israel, Jerusalem views him as a person with pragmatic political
stands and as a positive factor in the Middle East. "If we could deal
with people like him, it would have been a new Middle East," Sarid said,
describing Sulayman as a calculating man who is free of prejudice.
Sulayman is viewed as an Egyptian patriot first and foremost. He
believes that Egypt should hold a leading role in the Middle East, which
is why he believes that terror is a major threat not only in terms of the
Middle East stability, but also in terms of the stability of the Egyptian
regime.
"He fears that the increasing power of terror organizations might
penetrate Egypt, which is why he is constantly bothered by the
implications the intifada might have for Egypt. He is involved and
mediates between us and the Palestinians due to Egyptian interests," said
MK Hayim Ramon, who in the previous Knesset was chairman of the Knesset
Foreign Affairs and Defense Committee. "He knows that the fact that the
extremist organizations are gaining power in the PA will have an impact
on their growth in Egypt. He has always been involved, even before it
became public, because he is the closest to Mubarak. He clearly
bolstered the peace talks and the line that favors peace processes. His
central line was that peace in the region would weaken the fundamentalist
bodies in Egypt. He talks to anyone he can to attain the goal he
believes in."
Sulayman is fighting both domestic and international terror,
cooperating with various intelligence organizations, including the Mosad.
People who have known Sulayman for years stressed that this cooperation
follows from an understanding that the parties share interests, not
because he is an agent of such or other body.
"He maintains no emotional approach nor does he support a particular
party," claimed Yosi Beilin, who met Sulayman last January. "He is very
logical when thinking which move could promote the political issue. He
is always looking for the opening through which processes can be promoted
and, in this respect, he does not mind talking to the right. He makes
no such calculations and does not boycott Sharon. He has his political
and diplomatic views, but he will definitely talk to the existing partner
he has."
Sulayman still keeps in touch with Beilin. "He invited me there and
I met him a few times in his Cairo office," Beilin said. "The talks
were very nice. He has always expressed his wish to meet with
opposition members. I believe that the principle that guides him is
maintaining contacts with all the players in the court to ensure the
continuation of the political process."
Labor MK Binyamin Ben-Eli'ezer, who became acquainted with Sulayman
when he served as defense minister, said that Sulayman "is a very serious
man, a professional, and most appreciated, mainly on the Palestinian
side. I was mostly impressed with his vast knowledge of and familiarity
with all the strata on the Palestinian street. He knows subgroups and
leaders of all levels. As a rule, his command of what goes on in the
Arab world is most unusual.
"He is one of the most successful secret service chiefs in the region
and, from my experience with him, he is a very reliable man. He keeps
his promises," Ben-Eli'ezer said.
Former Mosad head Shabtay Shavit established friendly ties with
Sulayman that went beyond the professional relationship of parallel
organizations heads. When Sharon was elected prime minister for the
first time, Shavit was the one who was sent on special missions to Egypt
in view of his personal ties with Sulayman.
In July 2001, the political contacts between senior Israeli officials
and Sulayman were exposed when his visit to Israel was leaked to the
media. "Egypt is expanding its involvement: the Egyptian minister for
intelligence affairs secretly met with the prime minister and the foreign
and defense ministers yesterday," the papers said. When this was
published, some maintained that the leak is threatening the relations
with Sulayman. The warnings did not stand the test of reality and,
looking back, it seems that the leak about Sulayman's visit to Israel was
impressively timed with the exposure of the intelligence chief to his own
country.
Sulayman started playing a political role when the al-Aqsa intifada
broke out. Egyptian Ambassador to Israel Muhammad Basyuni was recalled
for consultations in Cairo in November 2000 and has not returned since.
Amr Musa ended his tour as foreign minister in early 2001 and was
appointed secretary general of the Arab League. Some maintain that the
uneasy relationship between Musa and Sulayman was of the reasons why the
former was removed from his post. Sulayman was mentioned as a potential
successor for Musa, but eventually Mubarak appointed Ahmad Mahir, who has
not yet established practical contacts with Israeli officials.
The intifada made the focus of attention shift from political to
security issues, which is why Usama al-Baz, Mubarak's political adviser,
was pushed aside and Sulayman seized center stage. "At the time, al-Baz
was the man who frequented Israeli bureaus," an Israeli security source
related. "The situation changed over the past two and a half years, as
we focused on security issues. Al-Baz is not the right person to meet
and debrief Palestinian security officials such as Muhammad Dahlan or
Hani al-Hasan. A man versed in these issues was needed."
With time, Sulayman's visits to Sycamore Ranch because subject for
jokes that the Egyptian president exchanges with Israeli officials.
When former Foreign Minister Shim'on Peres visited him at the time,
Mubarak complained that the prime minister served a very poor meal when
he hosted Sulayman. "He only gave him two hot dogs," Mubarak said and
broke the ice in the meeting.
Sharon responded in kind. Speaking with Mubarak on the phone later,
he promised to take better care of the Egyptian chief of intelligence
next time. "I will give him three hot dogs," he said.
Yet, while Sulayman's meetings with Israeli officials are diplomatic
in nature, mostly characterized by messages and letters he brings from
President Mubarak, his involvement in subduing terror in the PA is more
significant. He devoted days and nights to an attempt to make a
cease-fire agreement between Fatah and HAMAS. Sulayman viewed it as a
personal project and was committed to the issue for many months in late
2002 and early 2003, but failed.
"He was optimistic about the chances of attaining an arrangement
between Fatah and HAMAS and, at a certain stage, he felt this was his
primary mission. He even told me that Mubarak is casting his weight on
the issue," Yosi Beilin said. "The failure of the talks was a big
personal disappointment for Omar Sulayman. At a certain stage, he
believed that if Cairo is hosting the talks, it could also lead a move in
which HAMAS would accept a wording that both Cairo and Fatah accept."
Omar Sulayman drafted a long document, dubbed "The National Project
Plan." It was the conclusion of contacts he had with Arafat (whom he
met in Ramallah); with Khalid Mish'al, head of the HAMAS Political
Bureau; and with representatives of other Palestinian organizations,
mainly Fatah and Islamic Jihad.
The idea behind the plan was an agreement by the Islamic
organizations to stop terror attacks, accept the existence of the State
of Israel, and endorse the solution of two states for two nations;
namely, accepting the existence of a Palestinian state within the 1967
boundaries.
Attempting to attain the agreements, Sulayman convened the parties in
Cairo twice. He housed them in a special Egyptian Government compound,
isolated them from the media for days, and tried to pressure and exert
his influence as much as he could. Over the months he spent working on
this project, he declared more than once that a draft agreement was
attained. This is why he agreed to represent Egypt in the London
conference that Tony Blair organized on the eve of the attack on Iraq.
Blair felt it was an achievement. Sulayman hoped it would help him get
the parties sign the final agreement.
This, however, was not the first time the Palestinians disappointed
Sulayman. "The unsuccessful attempts to attain an agreement between
Fatah and HAMAS was not the first time the Palestinians had let him down,
which is why he is mad at them," a European diplomat said. "He is very
restraint and knows how to hide his feelings and sentiments toward
people."
The compromise that Sulayman made between Arafat and Abu-Mazin, which
led to the establishment of the new Palestinian cabinet, was yet another
example of Sulayman's ability to hide his feelings. Israel knows that,
just like his boss, he does not like Arafat. He uses harsh words
speaking about the PA leader. He despises him and claims he is in the
way, but this did not stop him from traveling to the al-Muqata'a and
making Arafat feel they are best buddies.
"He is a very good friend of Arafat," said incoming Palestinian
Foreign Minister Nabil Sha'th, who attended the meeting between the two.
"When Sulayman came to see Arafat last Wednesday, he was very positive
and soft toward him. He called him the father of the Palestinian
nation, said his status would not be impaired, and promised to help him."
Israeli experts who examined the issue claimed that Sulayman attained
the compromise between Arafat and Abu-Mazin because he used his personal
weight, spoke for Mubarak, and because eventually, it served the
Palestinian interests and Arafat understood that. Sha'th claims that
ever since Amr Musa stepped down as foreign minister, Sulayman and senior
Palestinian officials have developed a trusting relationship, which
helped him succeed in his mission to find a compromise. "Sulayman never
lied to us over the past two years and we trust him, having experienced
his work on several issues," Sha'th said.
According to Israelis who met him, Sulayman holds Abu-Mazin in high
esteem. He often spoke of him as the person who can replace Arafat.
The Israelis remarked that Abu-Mazin will never forget that, in the end,
the Sulayman tipped the scales and when the latter should approach him in
the future, Abu-Mazin will remember that Sulayman arranged the post of
prime minister for him and will feel indebted.
At the same time, Sulayman does not deal with the Middle East only.
He maintains tight contacts with other intelligence bodies, such as the
CIA, to which he delivered a warning that Bin-Ladin has a clear intention
to deliver an unprecedented blow inside US territory. The warning came
eight days before 11 September.
No one would confirm this story in Israel, but people who met him say
that when you speak to Sulayman about Al-Qa'ida, you are surprised by the
extent of his knowledge. "Sulayman's warning was not surprising," a
person versed in the issue said, "because the operative arm of Bin-Ladin
comprised Egyptian organizations that wanted to overthrow the regime
there at the time and Sulayman fought against them successfully.
"I do not believe that any other organization head knows the finest
details about his opponent the way he does. His analysis of Bin-Ladin's
intentions is not bad at all, and I feel we should be listening to the
Egyptians and the Jordanians on these issues."
Fighting terror inside Egypt, Sulayman scored successes. The
knowledge he has gained, his intimate familiarity with Islamic terror,
and the fact that he is an intelligence chief made him a sought after CIA
adviser. "He can help the CIA more than they can help him due to his
experience in fighting Islamic terror."
After standing on Mubarak's side when an attempt was made on his life
in 1995, Sulayman made diplomatic and political moves as part of his war
against terror in Egypt. This is his typical method of operation -- a
balanced combination of muscle and diplomacy. Intelligence sources
claim, for example, that wishing to keep the peace and protect the
tourists in the Sinai from terror, Sulayman flooded the strip between
Tabah and Sharm al-Shaykh with agents. "Even the people who work in the
Sinai hotels -- all of them -- are connected and report to the Egyptian
intelligence."
Other than the common interest in calming terror in the PA, Sulayman
and Israel share another concern -- Iran. Unlike many other Arab
intelligence chiefs, Sulayman understood the threat posed by
terror-supporting states. The same applies to the Syrian issue. He
feels it is his interest to calm Hizballah and prevent the opening of a
northern front for Israel. The only question is whether Syrian
President al-Asad would heed him.
As noted above, Sulayman is one of the three leading candidates to
succeed Mubarak, together with Egyptian Defense Minister Muhammad Husayn
al-Tantawi and the president's son, Jamal Mubarak, dubbed Jimmy. This,
however, does not make the senior Israeli defense establishment officials
lose sleep. After all, Sulayman is viewed as a pragmatic and realistic
statesman who believes that fighting terror and stabilizing and bringing
peace to the Middle East is an Egyptian interest.
The State of Israel benefits from this view and the ceaseless efforts
he has been making to implement it, even as chief of intelligence.
Israeli sources believe that the fact that Sulayman expressed his
pleasure with the casualty toll after that wave of terror is not truly
significant. "It would not surprise me if senior government officials
in Arab states, even the moderate ones, are still pleased, on the
personal level, when there are a grave terror attacks against Israelis or
Americans," an expert on the issue explained. "They do not like us, the
Jews. They would rather not have us here, but Sulayman does not hold a
comprehensive political view according to which spilled Jewish blood is
something to rejoice about."
[Description of Source: Tel Aviv Ma'ariv in Hebrew -- Independent, second
largest circulation Hebrew-language paper]
