A letter from Gareth R Thomas MP for Harrow West, dated 11 January 2000, indicates that "The Government has made clear its commitment to the goal of the global elimination of nuclear weapons on many occasions, and is unequivocally committed to all the United Kingdom's obligations under the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. I do feel that the Government is well-placed to take a lead towards this end, there being no room for complacency or neglect of the issues by Political Leaders.

  The progress and effectiveness of non-proliferation regimes since the last major NPT Review Conference in 1995 has not been good. India and Pakistan, not signatories to the NPT, have both tested nuclear devices; there are strong suspicions that Iraq, Iran and North Korea aspire to become nuclear capable.

  US adherence to treaties is crumbling with moves towards a Ballistic Missile Defence System (BMD), money for which is likely to be confirmed in June. This contravenes the ABM Treaty and threatens a new arms race. The UK is encouraging the US by allowing it to expand its base at Menwith Hill in Yorkshire to provide essential communications for the BMD.

  China has modernised her nuclear arsenals and Russia has tested new TOPOL missiles. The Guardian (14 January 2000) reports that Acting President Vladimir Putin has decreed a new national security strategy with a more confrontational approach towards the West which is hardly surprising. This indicates use of Russian nuclear weapons in response to conventional attack (a policy already adopted by NATO). This has arisen partly by NATO's eastwards expansion and the perceived US aim to use its military might to dominate the world.

  India and Pakistan are unlikely to sign the NPT, and non-nuclear NPT signatories are increasingly unlikely to abide by it until they see some movement from the nuclear states to honour their agreements under Article 6 to "pursue negotiations in good faith on effective measures relating to cessation of the nuclear arms race at an early date and to nuclear disarmament."

  I was pleased that the British Government ratified the Comprehensive Nuclear Test Ban Treaty (CTBT) in April 1998, alongside France. But the CTBT has suffered a severe blow by the refusal of the US last October to ratify it. It was good to see UK pressure on the US to ratify and it is to be hoped that this will be maintained.

  Also, the announcement in the Labour Party's Strategic Defence Review (1997) that the expertise of Aldermaston would be used partly to develop effective verification and monitoring regimes for treaties is to be welcomed and encouraged.

  I feel that the UK could unblock progress towards a Fissile Material Cut-Off Treaty (FMCT) by agreeing to allow current stock of plutonium to be covered by the treaty. To do otherwise is to call into question the seriousness of a desire for nuclear disarmament.

  I believe the best way to encourage non-signatory states is by complying with both the spirit and the letter of treaties to which the UK is signatory. The choice is not between proliferation and non-proliferation but between proliferation and disarmament.