Index

APPENDIX 12

Memorandum submitted by Lord Kennet

  In her Christmas message, the Queen quoted Churchill

  There are a few people still active in this country to whom the 1960s experience and examination of Anti-Ballistic Missile Defences remains clear. We saw then that Anti-Ballistic Missile Defences were destabilising because of their role in an offensive posture: without Anti-Ballistic Missiles a "First Strike Counterforce" is not thinkable, with them it becomes plausible. Therefore for the sake of stability, and to prevent more useless and unwinnable arms races, ABMD were banned as an essential element in the Strategic Arms Limitation Agreements. This analysis remains valid.

  It was Robin Cook who described the ABMT as a "cornerstone in maintaining global strategic stability", along with the other P5 foreign ministers (including Mrs Allbright), in September last at the UN. Strange therefore that, unlike France, the UK abstained rather than support the ABM Treaty in the vote in the UNGA on 1 December. Cornerstone it is.

  Some think it is not so that our nuclear deterrent is dependent upon the ABMT. Two points: (i) when she was Prime Minister, Mrs Thatcher thought it was so and therefore secured the now defunct Camp David commitments from Reagan. And (ii) it is not only the bilateral US/Russian SALT and START agreements that are jeopardised by a US denunciation of the ABMT, but also (and therefore) the Non-Proliferation Treaty whose Article 6, these Agreements begin to implement. And also in jeopardy, as the Russians have pointed out, is the Agreement on Intermediate-Range Nuclear Weapons in Europe which rid us both of the threat from Soviet I and MRBMs and of those highly unpopular US nuclear missile bases in Britain, over which the British Government had such uncertain control.

  The idea that the Russians cannot afford to revive their nuclear forces is naif: what project could reunite and galvanise Russia quicker than a renewed "US nuclear threat"? They are already conducting nuclear-capable exercises again. And moreover has not massive US defence expenditure been a great Keynesian boon to the US economy? Are there not vast Russian money resources hidden in Western laundry banks which patriotism could call home? A new Russian regime would have plenty of arguments.

  Europe, and all international relations, stand to be re-nuclearised if the ABMT is lost.

  Whitehall seems not for a long time (if ever) to have made a systematic study of our formal relations with the US. For instance, in answer to the Written Question, whether UK/US Cold War bilateral treaties had been reviewed since the Cold War ended, Baroness Scotland of the FCO promised to answer "after enquiring of the United States" which of them were still in operation. And indeed in December, an FCO official sent along a list provided by the US State Department. Do we presume the Foreign Office doesn't have one?

  Rather surprisingly, this State Department list includes the 1943 Quebec Agreement on Tube Alloys—ie atomic weapons—which Churchill got Roosevelt to sign in order to regularise Anglo-American relations within the Manhattan Project. Although the first practical idea of how to develop a weapon using atomic energy had come from German Jewish refugee scientists working in Britain, and had been conveyed to Roosevelt by Churchill, throughout the Manhattan Project US officials tended always to exclude Brits as far as possible from information and policy. Hence the two Roosevelt-Churchill agreements—Quebec 1943 and Hyde Park 1944, on post-war military cooperation. (Churchill was content that the US alone, after their massive financial investment in the Manhattan project, should have the civil applications.)

  In 1945 Truman simply dropped both agreements as not binding on him. This was when Attlee decided to start up the British atomic energy programme at Harwell:

  The Agreements problem goes further. The Foreign Office regularly repeats that the US is in full legality (and acceptability), including in Space (despite the unambiguous language of Article 1 of the Space Treaty). It might be inquired into, for instance, whether the Airborne Laser Weapon (ALW), and its intended Space-based successor, are compatible with Article 1 of the Space Treaty. (Article 4, dealing with not placing nuclear weapons on the moon, etc, is often quoted by the FCO, but it is irrelevant: "the moon" is not Space as generally understood.)

  This US ALW project should not be acceptable to the British Government for four reasons: it is potentially a weapon of mass destruction, it will breach the ABM Treaty by being capable of destroying "strategic" missiles in flight, it has an anti-satellite capability which both Americans and Russians by tacit agreement renounced at the time the ABMT was signed, and it is the precursor to a Space-based Laser Weapon.

  Mrs Thatcher agreed the US should use British airfields for the attack on Libya for a variety of reasons. Obviously our dependence on US systems now as then, reduces any Prime Minister's options. If as well as depending on the US for the platforms for our nuclear weapons (Tomahawk) we now are to depend to any degree on Lockheed Martin at Aldermaston for the effectiveness and safety of our warheads[17], we are reducing those options even further. Will the US not claim under existing bilateral agreements the right to use airfields in Britain for the converted 747s that will first carry the Airborne Laser Weapon?

  Last August two issues of Aviation Week showed where US officials (and Defence contractors) and their attendant theorists are hoping to go: a ghost opponent, technologically equal, is always present as the justification for vast new programmes. (Other countries' probable reactions to these programmes are not considered. If the programmes were ever completed, what would be left for the rest of us to do or to be? Body bags, perhaps.)

  Note, however, (page 58) that

  We would be in good company in also dismissing the more outlandish threats.[18]

EUROPEAN DEFENCE

  Note too the story of the very wonderful Apache Helicopters that were taken to Albania from Germany at a cost of half a billion dollars, and then were deemed too valuable to risk in action. The pilots were also not trained for Balkan terrain. So the helicopters weren't used. [International Herald Tribune, 30 December 1999.]

  The Apache story is emblematic and the lesson from both US military procurement and US deployments is that the architecture of the new European Defence system should in no way be modelled on what the US has got or is in the process of trying to get.

  What is going on in the US is unsustainable for many reasons and the problems of the "technological disconnect" between US Forces and the other NATO Allies' Forces cannot be solved by trying to "upgrade" our forces in the direction of recent US military slogans System of Systems, Revolution in Military Affairs, Full Spectrum Dominance, etc.

INFORMATION WARFARE

  One of the counts under which the US system is unsustainable is Information Warfare, where a conspiracy of silence seems to be in place in this country: perhaps it would not be polite to draw attention to American vulnerabilities? Nevertheless, innumerable US military and other research teams have been examining the vulnerability of computerised systems to hackers and crackers: not only defence systems but increasing swathes of government and industry. The US Commander-in-Chief-Space is responsible for conducting Information Warfare offensively: but IW is also well understood to represent a massive threat to the whole American system, civil as well as military: banks, transport, telecommunications, health care, etc, etc. (A classified Pentagon exercise, Eligible Receiver, revealed just how comprehensive the threat might be.)

  Clinton issued two Presidential Decision Directives on this "infrastructure vulnerability" to IW in 1998. The topic is hot, the US Government is fully aware, and the unclassified Strategic Studies bibliography is already long: the US Defence University's 1998 volume, Can the United States be Defeated? And RAND's 1999 volume on Information Warfare are both illuminating and well referenced. The Chinese Army has just issued a book, "Introduction to Information Warfare"—see BBC SWB FE/3731 G/8.

  The topic merited a very modest paragraph in the Strategic Defence Review. MoD seems not to consider itself responsible for the security of any "information system" but its own, which officials implausibly claim is hacker-proof. MoD is only responsible for the protection of the country (and of other Government Departments) against armed attack, and hacking does not count as armed attack. So the other departments are responsible for the security of their own systems. (Is the National Infrastructure Forum working on this? Perhaps they should, difficult though it is to get commercial firms to discuss their vulnerabilities in each other's company.)

  The main UK-based thinktanks (IISS, RIIA, RUSI, etc) are looking away; none seem to be addressing the short, let alone long term implications of Information Warfare. Indeed, their experts appear to be in denial.)

  But this is a development that (like the Dreadnought battleships) may make a lot of previous equipment, and therefore doctrine, and therefore alliance arrangements, suddenly out of date. This time not only weaponry and war-fighting are affected.

Wayland Kennet and Elizabeth Young


17   Lockheed Martin is at present in a rickety condition: $3-5 billion wiped off by Wall Street; a managerial mess; a series of technical failures; expert staff decimated by failure of "better, faster, cheaper" downsizing; bad safety and pollution record. Are they a "safe pair of hands" for our nuclear warheads? Back

18   The Scud parts arriving at Gatwick from a Taiwan knitwear firm, complete with documentation proving earlier deliveries, will no doubt be examined with the beadiest of eyes: it may have some sticky finger-marks on it, as did the otherwise weirdly precise cruise missile attacks on the intelligence areas of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade. This is the kind of "evidence" we shall be regularly presented with by the partisans of Ballistic Missile Defences. One problem may be the over-enthusiasm of various of our own people for collaboration with their traditional colleagues. Back