[Congressional Record Volume 161, Number 59 (Wednesday, April 22, 2015)] [House] [Pages H2368-H2378] From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov] PROVIDING FOR CONSIDERATION OF H.R. 1560, PROTECTING CYBER NETWORKS ACT, AND PROVIDING FOR CONSIDERATION OF H.R. 1731, NATIONAL CYBERSECURITY PROTECTION ADVANCEMENT ACT OF 2015 Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on Rules, I call up House Resolution 212 and ask for its immediate consideration. The Clerk read the resolution, as follows: H. Res. 212 Resolved, That at any time after adoption of this resolution the Speaker may, pursuant to clause 2(b) of rule XVIII, declare the House resolved into the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union for consideration of the bill (H.R. 1560) to improve cybersecurity in the United States through enhanced sharing of information about cybersecurity threats, and for other purposes. The first reading of the bill shall be dispensed with. All points of order against consideration of the bill are waived. General debate shall be confined to the bill and shall not exceed one hour equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking minority member of the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence. After general debate the bill shall be considered for amendment under the five-minute rule. It shall be in order to consider as an original bill for the purpose of amendment under the five-minute rule the amendment in the nature of a substitute recommended by the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence now printed in the bill. The committee amendment in the nature of a substitute shall be considered as read. All points of order against the committee amendment in the nature of a substitute are waived. No amendment to the committee amendment in the nature of a substitute shall be in order except those printed in part A of the report of the Committee on Rules accompanying this resolution. Each such amendment may be offered only in the order printed in the report, may be offered only by a Member designated in the report, shall be considered as read, shall be debatable for the time specified in the report equally divided and controlled by the proponent and an opponent, shall not be subject to amendment, and shall not be subject to a demand for division of the question in the House or in the Committee of the Whole. All points of order against such amendments are waived. At the conclusion of consideration of the bill for amendment the Committee shall rise and report the bill to the House with such amendments as may have been adopted. Any Member may demand a separate vote in the House on any amendment adopted in the Committee of the Whole to the bill or to the committee amendment in the nature of a substitute. The previous question shall be considered as ordered on the bill and amendments thereto to final passage without intervening motion except one motion to recommit with or without instructions. Sec. 2. At any time after adoption of this resolution the Speaker may, pursuant to clause 2(b) of rule XVIII, declare the House resolved into the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union for consideration of the bill (H.R. 1731) to amend the Homeland Security Act of 2002 to enhance multi-directional sharing of information related to cybersecurity risks and strengthen privacy and civil liberties protections, and for other purposes. The first reading of the bill shall be dispensed with. All points of order against consideration of the bill are waived. General debate shall be confined to the bill and amendments specified in this section and shall not exceed one hour equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking minority member of the Committee on Homeland Security. After general debate the bill shall be considered for amendment under the five-minute rule. In lieu of the amendment in the nature of a substitute recommended by the Committee on Homeland Security now printed in the bill, it shall be in order to consider as an original bill for the purpose of amendment under the five-minute rule an amendment in the nature of a substitute consisting of the text of Rules Committee Print 114-12. That amendment in the nature of a substitute shall be considered as read. All points of order against that amendment in the nature of a substitute are waived. No amendment to that amendment in the nature of a substitute shall be in order except those printed in part B of the report of the Committee on Rules accompanying this resolution. Each such amendment may be offered only in the order printed in the report, may be offered only by a Member designated in the report, shall be considered as read, shall be debatable for the time specified in the report equally divided and controlled by the proponent and an opponent, [[Page H2369]] shall not be subject to amendment, and shall not be subject to a demand for division of the question in the House or in the Committee of the Whole. All points of order against such amendments are waived. At the conclusion of consideration of the bill for amendment the Committee shall rise and report the bill to the House with such amendments as may have been adopted. Any Member may demand a separate vote in the House on any amendment adopted in the Committee of the Whole to the bill or to the amendment in the nature of a substitute made in order as original text. The previous question shall be considered as ordered on the bill and amendments thereto to final passage without intervening motion except one motion to recommit with or without instructions. Sec. 3. (a) In the engrossment of H.R. 1560 the Clerk shall-- (1) add the text of H.R. 1731, as passed by the House, as new matter at the end of H.R. 1560; (2) conform the title of H.R. 1560 to reflect the addition of H.R. 1731, as passed by the House, to the engrossment; (3) assign appropriate designations to provisions within the engrossment; and (4) conform cross-references and provisions for short titles within the engrossment. (b) Upon the addition of the text of H.R. 1731, as passed by the House, to the engrossment of H.R. 1560, H.R. 1731 shall be laid on the table. {time} 1230 The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Collins) is recognized for 1 hour. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only, I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Colorado (Mr. Polis), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose of debate only. General Leave Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and to include extraneous materials on H. Res. 212, currently under consideration. The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Georgia? There was no objection. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to bring this rule forward on behalf of the Rules Committee. It is a rule that respects the legislative process and reflects the responsibility of Congress to address a critical deficit in the infrastructure of our Nation. This rule provides for consideration of both cybersecurity measures under a structured amendment process. As a result of a thorough and deliberative committee hearing yesterday evening, there are five amendments to H.R. 1560 and 11 amendments to H.R. 1731 that this body will have the opportunity to debate and ultimately vote for or against. The bipartisan nature of these bills speaks to the critical need for this legislation. Both bills passed their respective committees with bipartisan support, and I am hopeful this rule will enjoy similar overwhelming support. For each bill, amendments offered by Democrats exceeded those offered by Republicans. I would like to thank Chairman Nunes and also Chairman McCaul for their work, both within our conference and across the aisle, to ultimately bring forward two bills that reflect compromise, consistency, and a deep understanding of the dangers that cyber attacks pose every day. If both bills are adopted, this rule combines the bills and sends them to the Senate as a package in an effort to work with the other Chamber, go to conference, and to produce a product that will be signed into law. This is a fair rule that respects this body, the importance of this issue, and the legislative process as a whole. The world has changed greatly since this body last discussed cybersecurity. The ``Internet of Things'' has created unforeseen risks and exposed vulnerabilities and defects in the ability of companies to even simply talk to each other without fear of frivolous litigation. Our enemy is adapting, growing bolder and more sophisticated. North Korea, Iran, Russia, and China seek to exploit and devastate our economic security as a nation and our data security as individuals through cyber attacks that we cannot adequately anticipate, respond, or even communicate about. Foreign governments aren't the only ones who wish to do Americans harm. Terrorists and criminal enterprises have also recognized that American companies are crippled by the ambiguity in our law as it relates to sharing cyber threat information. The cyber attack surface has expanded. Wearables, connected vehicles, and embedded devices have made it possible for cyber attacks to literally be driven into the parking lot or walked through doors. The traditional ways of responding to cyber threats and recovering from them are not sufficient to safeguard the data privacy of Americans and the economic security of our Nation. The scope of these attacks and devastating damages are increasing as rapidly as the attackers are themselves. These bills are not a magic pill. They will not render inoperable the scores of foreign countries and enterprises that want to see American exceptionalism brought to its knees; but they do give clear, positive legal authority to American companies to allow them to protect their own and to appropriately share cyber threats with other countries and, in certain cases, Federal agencies. Let me be clear. These are not surveillance bills. These are not data collection bills. This is not the PATRIOT Act or FISA. This body will debate intelligence gathering, collecting, sharing, and using at some point in the future, but today is not that day. I know those rightly concerned with government surveillance, like myself, would like to use this rule for that purpose and the underlying measures as a platform to debate that, but I urge them to refrain. We will have that debate. Today's focus is on the perpetrating of the thousands of cyber threats American businesses face every single day. Let the attention be on North Korea. Let it be on Iran. Let it be on the countless enemies of the United States who want to destroy this Nation. For today, we speak with a united voice that they will fail. We declare with one voice that American companies have the right to protect their own, to protect and defend their own networks, to share technical information with the appropriate agencies on a voluntary basis if they so choose. I thank the Intelligence and Homeland Security Committees and their staff for their tireless work they have done to ensure that we can protect our economy, our infrastructure, and our private information. I know detractors of the legislation may attempt to paint this rule and underlying measures in a different light, so let's allow the facts to speak for themselves. These bills have three key components. First, they provide for completely voluntary participation by private companies in a program with positive legal authority. This program allows three kinds of sharing--private company to private company, government to private company, and private company to government--but this sharing of information is limited only to cyber threat indicators. Second, they require the removal of all unrelated personal information. It is the technical cyber threat information that is being shared, zeros and ones. In fact, there is a requirement that both the government and the private entity remove personally identifiable information when the information is shared and also when it is received. Third, the legislation expressly prohibits the cyber threat indicators from being used for surveillance. These bills will benefit all Americans by helping businesses better protect sensitive information. Attacks against our network often seek to steal Americans' personal information. This can include credit and debit card information, medical records, or even Social Security numbers. Many of the recent attacks that we have all read about in the news were specifically aimed at stealing the personal information of Americans. Cyber attackers are also increasingly targeting small businesses. In fact, in 2014, 60 percent of all targeted attacks struck at small- and medium-sized businesses. The underlying legislation will also help protect American jobs by protecting the intellectual property of American businesses. It is estimated that cyber attacks cost Americans roughly 500,000 jobs a year. Foreign companies often use cyber attacks to target the trade secrets of U.S. companies and then use the information to produce their own competing product. [[Page H2370]] The threat is real, both to our economic security as a nation and our personal information as individuals. If we fail to act and pass this rule and the underlying bills, our Nation and our personal privacy is more at risk than ever before. Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time. Mr. POLIS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Georgia for yielding me the customary 30 minutes, and I yield myself such time as I may consume. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the rule and the underlying legislation. Today, the House is convening to debate a matter that we all agree is critical for our national security, our economic competitiveness, our prosperity, and the success of our private sector. The recent cyber attacks on Sony and Anthem are but two prominent examples of cases in which American businesses or government entities have come under attack by hackers, among many other instances that haven't even been reported. I want to recognize the work that the House Intelligence and Homeland Security Committees did on these pieces of legislation and their attempts to address these issues. Unfortunately, in spite of their hard work and the work of those that went into crafting these two bills, I regret that they fall short of their goals and would likely do more harm than good. Not only do both bills, particularly the Protecting Cyber Networks Act, raise enormous concerns about inappropriate sharing of personal information and surveillance on Americans' private lives, but they are built on the premise that many security experts have warned is fundamentally flawed, that sharing information with the Federal Government should be the central focus of our efforts to protect American cyber networks, rather than simply one aspect to a multipronged strategy to defeat hackers, foreign and domestic. Now, before I address the substance of these two bills, I want to discuss this unusual rule before us and how it treats two bills which contradict each other in significant ways. Ordinarily, when two committees share jurisdiction over a matter--in this case, the Homeland Security Committee and the Intelligence Committee--they collaborate. One committee handles one portion of the bill, reports it out; the other committee handles the other portion, reports it out, and they work together to bring a single piece of legislation to the floor for Members to debate, amend, and vote for or against. This is what happened, for example, with the recent SGR repeal legislation, which had components under the jurisdiction of no less than six different committees in this body, but was presented before us as a single bill. In this case, however, because there seems to be some kind of turf war between the Intelligence Committee and the Homeland Security Committee, we are actually voting on two overlapping bills that, in several respects, contradict one another. For instance, the bills have drastically different determinations of what kind of information may be shared, what purposes the government may use the information for, and what hacking countermeasures companies are allowed to take to protect their networks. Instead of having a meaningful debate on the merits of each bill's approach, this body, if this rule passes, would forego that, and we would simply debate and vote on each bill separately, and if they both pass, the rule directs the Clerk to mesh them together through something called conforming amendments. Not only would this leave businesses to wade their way through two separate, contradictory regulatory schemes, but it leaves it unclear which bill's provisions would actually prevail in practice and under which circumstances. It actually would create more uncertainty in the marketplace, rather than less. I don't think anybody could reasonably call this an open process. We shouldn't be depriving our constituents of an open debate on important issues. The major amendments of this bill that would have restored privacy, many of which I was a cosponsor, are not even allowed to be debated on the floor of the House, not for 10 minutes, not for 5 minutes, not even for 1 minute. My colleagues and I on both sides of the aisle are being denied a vote on the very amendments that we feel could address the concerns we have with the cybersecurity legislation and make sure that we keep American networks safe. Mr. Speaker, in the 2 years since the NSA's shockingly broad data collection program PRISM came to light, we have heard from many of our constituents. The American people want an end to unwarranted surveillance. They want Congress to restore desperately needed accountability and transparency to our Nation's often out-of-control intelligence-gathering apparatus. It is bewildering to many people that, at the very time the American people have spoken out that we want more safeguards, instead, we are bringing forward two bills whose central objective is to facilitate the flow of more personal information to the Federal Government, when we continue to put off the question of surveillance reform and bringing an end to the NSA's bulk data collection without warrants. It is especially disappointing in light of the fact that several PATRIOT Act provisions will sunset at the end of next month, giving Congress a crucial opportunity to reexamine and rein in Federal surveillance programs. By putting off that issue and bringing mass information sharing to the floor, Congress is asking the American people for a blank check. Congress is saying: Trust the President. No President would allow this information sharing to infringe on your civil liberties, even though we have utterly failed to pass a single piece of legislation to end the privacy abuses that we know have occurred under this administration and the prior administration. The problem with these bills is that they go far beyond, and they open up additional loopholes and potential abuses with regard to privacy abuses, particularly H.R. 1560, the so-called Protecting Cyber Networks Act. Both bills open up Americans' private information to inappropriate scrutiny by the Federal Government. Now, I expect we will hear proponents of both bills argue at length that the protections against sharing personal information are sufficiently robust. For instance, under both bills, they will cite that cyber threat data is scrubbed twice for personal information, once by private entities before they transmit it to the government and once by government entities before they store the information or share it with anybody else. Now, that sounds good, but, unfortunately, the devil is in the details, and a close reading of the bill shows that there is an enormous loophole in the information-scrubbing component and that it fails to offer Americans safeguards for the personal information. {time} 1245 Under both bills, any Federal entity in receipt of cyber data threat information may store and share personal information it receives-- unscrubbed information--if they believe that it is related to a cybersecurity threat. Now, this standard isn't too vague, considering that information ``related'' to a cybersecurity threat could be interpreted to mean just about anything, but it is also incredibly broad. It includes an implicit assumption that Americans' personal information should be shared, unless Federal officials have information that it is not related to a cybersecurity threat. In many cases, the burden is to show that the personal information is not related to a cybersecurity threat for it to be scrubbed, rather than the other way around. So, yes, companies and Federal entities are required to scrub the data for information that can be used to identify a specific person. But the loophole then calls on them not to remove any personally identifiable information unless they can show that it is not related to cybersecurity. Even if there is an off chance that something at some point might be pertinent to some kind of investigation, it puts Americans' personal information--without warrants, without due process, including information about patterns of Internet use, location, content of online communications--at great risk. We have seen before that the Federal Government has a poor track record of [[Page H2371]] safeguarding our personal information when they are entrusted with it. The last thing we should be doing is empowering Federal agencies even more with a broad discretion to look at personal information unless there is clear evidence that doing so would combat a cybersecurity threat. I introduced, along with my colleagues on both sides of the aisle, a number of amendments to both bills--one with the gentlewoman from California, Representative Zoe Lofgren, and one with Representative Zoe Lofgren and the gentleman from Michigan, Representative Justin Amash-- to impose a higher standard on Federal entities who are entrusted with this personal information. Our proposal would simply require the Federal Government to remove personally identifiable information unless it is directly necessary to identify or mitigate a cybersecurity threat--the purported purpose of this bill. These amendments would have imposed no additional burdens on private companies, but they would have given our Nation's technology companies and the customers who keep them globally competitive more confidence that private information shared under these bills would not be subjected to inappropriate mass scrutiny by the government. Sadly, our amendments met the same fate as nearly two dozen others put forth to add in important privacy safeguards. The potential for abuse of private information under H.R. 1560 is even more far-reaching. The Homeland Security bill at least makes clear that the information companies transmit to DHS should be shared specifically with other agencies that need it to protect critical infrastructure. But the circumstances under which information can be shared under the Intelligence bill--and who it can be shared with--are fuzzier and broader. Under the approach taken by H.R. 1560, every cyber threat indicator shared with a civilian agency of the Federal Government is immediately shared with a host of other government agencies, including the NSA. This increases the threat to cybersecurity by having repositories of information replicated across numerous government agencies, creating additional avenues for attack by malicious hackers. That means that private sector companies will not be able to participate in the program and promise their users they will not share information with NSA or other government agencies unless required by law. Furthermore, it is true that the Homeland Security bill includes some troubling provisions that allow the government to use cybersecurity threat information for criminal investigations unrelated to cybersecurity. Fortunately, the Rules Committee made in order an amendment by Representatives John Katko, Zoe Lofgren, and Anna Eshoo that would address this problem in the Homeland Security bill. I hope that my colleagues adopt this amendment. Unfortunately, no such amendment is being considered to address this issue within the Intelligence bill, H.R. 1560, where the problem actually runs much deeper. H.R. 1560 permits cyber threat data, including Americans' private information, that is shared with the Federal Government to be stored and used for a raft of unrelated purposes, unconstrained by congressional directive, including investigations and potential prosecution of crimes completely unrelated to cybersecurity. Obviously, all of us want law enforcement agencies to be equipped to prevent and prosecute violent crime, but the inclusion of these matters completely unrelated to cybersecurity broadens the scope of the measure far beyond what it is purported to be: a cybersecurity bill. In fact, it reduces the focus of our efforts on combating cybersecurity when you open it up to everything under the sun. By including a vast array of other reasons the government can invoke to store and share personal information, the authors of the bill essentially transformed the information-sharing initiative into a broad new surveillance program. Yes. Rather than a cybersecurity measure, effectively, these bills are a stalking horse for broad new surveillance authority by multiple agencies of the Federal Government without warrants, without oversight. H.R. 1560 empowers Federal entities to hold onto any information about an individual that may be ``related to'' any of the many law enforcement purposes lumped into the bill. That gives the Federal Government enormous incentive to retain and scrutinize personal information, even if it is unrelated to a cybersecurity threat. The scope of the use authorizations also undermines due process protections that exist to protect Americans against unwarranted search and seizure. Private information about a person that was transmitted warrantlessly to the NSA under a program that was purportedly designed to combat hackers should not be admissible or used in court against them on an unrelated offense--not related to cybersecurity, not related to hacking. It would render all of our due process protections invalid simply because of the medium of the information that is used with regard to these matters in this case: Internet and cyber-related mediums and communications through them. I joined Representatives Zoe Lofgren, Darrell Issa, and Blake Farenthold on an amendment to make clear that information sharing may only be used for the purpose of mitigating cybersecurity threats, again, the purported purpose of this bill. If the proponents of this bill are serious about combating cybersecurity, why did the Rules Committee deny Members the opportunity to limit the provisions of this bill to cybersecurity rather than a whole host of unrelated offenses? I also joined the gentleman from Kansas, Representative Kevin Yoder, to sponsor an amendment to address a longstanding due process issue that has plagued our Nation's legal system and our privacy rights. While the government is required to get a warrant if it wants to search through a person's physical mail, it is not required to get a warrant to search through somebody's old emails, provided the emails are older than 6 months. That contradiction and loophole was based on a 1986 law that was written before most people knew what email was. Representative Yoder and I sponsor a bipartisan bill that has 261 cosponsors, and yet when we offered a provision on this bill, we were not given a chance to vote on it and pass it in spite of the grave due process implications that the underlying legislation has. In addition to these privacy and due process concerns, I am alarmed by the prospect that H.R. 1560 will actually invite attempts by both private and public entities to deliberately weaken the integrity of software systems in the name of cybersecurity. H.R. 1560, for instance, authorizes companies to deploy countermeasures that are called defensive measures in the form of hack backs that would otherwise be illegal. A countermeasure operated on one network should never cause harm to another that is prohibited by the Federal antihacking statute, the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act. But that is precisely what can happen when a company places malware on its own network, because if that data gets stolen along with other valuable data, it can harm or lead to unauthorized or backdoor access of other proprietary networks or information. The gentleman from Virginia, Representative Gerry Connolly, put forward two amendments to address this issue in a very thoughtful manner. Regrettably, neither one will be allowed to be debated or receive a vote on the floor of the House unless we can defeat this rule. Furthermore, both bills present the risk that Federal entities will use the threat information they receive from private companies to circumvent the security protections safeguarding those same private companies' information systems, effectively creating their own back doors which could later be exploited by malicious hackers. As a matter of routine, our intelligence apparatus already demands that private companies include defects in their encryption system for the purported purpose of conducting backdoor surveillance. Today's legislation only makes it easier for the NSA to find and exploit more of these back doors and, therefore, easier--not harder--for hackers to find and exploit these very same security weaknesses. [[Page H2372]] Once again, Representative Lofgren put forward an amendment that would actually improve cybersecurity by making it clear that Federal entities could not use data obtained through information sharing to demand that private entities create new encryption weaknesses to enable backdoor hacking. Sadly, once again, her amendment will not be heard on the floor of the House, and this bill will encourage and allow additional venues for the illicit hacking it purports to combat. Mr. Speaker, I don't doubt the intentions and the goals of my colleagues on the Intelligence and Homeland Security Committees, but these bills simply represent a step backwards rather than a step forward, present risks on too many fronts, from privacy, to due process, to the threats that they add to the integrity of the very networks that these bills are designed to safeguard. In addition, the bills' focus on information sharing negates an important conversation about more important mechanisms Congress should be looking at to protect cyber systems, mechanisms that are not as fraught with risks to our civil liberties and are more effective at protecting our networks. We should be doing more, for instance, to educate businesses and governments about basic network security. Even here in Congress, we have seen evidence of how woefully lacking even elementary knowledge about cyber threats is. Helping businesses prevent cyber attacks doesn't have to mean that the government vacuums up endless amounts of personal data about how individual Americans are using the Internet and their personal communications. In fact, if we stop allowing the NSA to demand that U.S. businesses deliberately weaken their own networks for the purpose of government surveillance, that, in itself, would be a big step forward to strengthening our national cybersecurity. Sadly, today's rule doesn't even allow for a debate or for a vote on the most significant concerns surrounding this legislation and denies Members the opportunity to consider changes that would address the issues that we have raised and improve cybersecurity under this bill. For these reasons, I hope my colleagues join me in opposing the rule and the underlying legislation. I reserve the balance of my time. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, again, I want to focus this debate. There are many things my friend from Colorado brought up that will be debated, that are coming up, I think, as early, frankly, as tomorrow in some committees and will be debated on this floor. This is about sharing. This is about information protection. And with that, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from New York (Mr. King), who is a member of both the Homeland Security and the Intelligence Committees. He is the chairman of the Homeland Subcommittee on Counterterrorism, and he is also the former chairman of the full committee. Mr. KING of New York. I thank the gentleman for yielding. Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the rule and also of the underlying bills, H.R. 1731 and H.R. 1560. As was pointed out, I am the only Member of Congress who is on the Homeland Security Committee and the Intelligence Committee; and I was able to both take part and also to observe closely the extent to which the gentleman from Texas, Chairman McCaul, and the gentleman from California, Chairman Nunes, worked with Members on both sides of the aisle, worked with privacy groups, worked with Federal officials, government officials, and administration officials to try to make this as bipartisan a bill as possible, to ensure that privacy would be protected, but also to ensure that everything possible can be done to protect our Nation against cyber intrusions. Now, every day there are attacks upon our infrastructure. The critical infrastructure--mostly in private hands--is being targeted; and Federal networks, databases that are vital to our national security, are under assault every second of every day. Cyberterrorism, whether it is carried out by a nation-state, such as Iran or Russia or China, or carried out by terrorist organizations, such as ISIS or al Qaeda, is extremely damaging and threatening to our national security; and it is essential that we, especially since so much of our critical infrastructure is in the hands of the private sector, allow for sharing, that we allow companies to share information with the government, that there is mutual sharing with the government, with the private sector, so that these companies can do it without fear of being sued, without fear of liability--they act in good faith; they do what has to be done. Every measure that was put in there--I know the gentleman from Colorado disagrees, but every measure is in there to ensure that individual rights will not be violated, that privacy will not be violated. And again, we have to look at, for instance, if the gentleman from Colorado is wrong, what this could mean to our country, how this could devastate--devastate--our infrastructure, devastate our national security, devastate our financial system. So again, this was not something that was rushed into. And when you have both bills passing out of committee with, as far as I recall, not one dissenting vote--not that everyone was in full agreement with the bills. But the fact is this is probably as close to a consensus as you can come in the Halls of Congress on such a critical and, in some ways, such a controversial issue, to find that type of unanimity on the two committees that deal with this most significantly. {time} 1300 H.R. 1731 is the Homeland Security Committee bill that allows this information to be shared. The port will be the Department of Homeland Security, and that was done, again, working with privacy groups and working with those who are concerned with civil liberties, at the same time working with those who realize how absolutely essential to our security passage of this legislation is and how we have to have this type of cooperation, this type of sharing, this information sharing, and being done with the government and with the private sector working together to combat these enemies which can come at us from all directions. Again, every second of every day these attacks are being attempted and carried out. That is the crisis that faces us as a nation. It is not as obvious as a bomb going off in Times Square, and it is not as obvious as a bomb going off at the Boston Marathon, but it is just as critical. The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield the gentleman an additional 1 minute. Mr. KING of New York. It is just as critical and just as vital, in some ways more so, in that the ultimate result could be so devastating to our Nation. So, Mr. Speaker, I would ask, again, passage of the rule, which I believe is obviously essential, but also passage of the underlying bills because, again, our Congress has been criticized, with some validity, for not being able to work together and for not being able to get things done. But to have such a vital, controversial issue as this, to have both committees who deal with it most closely, to have them come together, all the effort and work that went into it, to have them come together to come up with this package of legislation, this shows Congress works. It shows we take this issue seriously, and it means we are going to go forward in all we can to combat terrorism in all its forms. Right now, probably the most lethal are the cybersecurity attacks being made on us. Mr. Speaker, I urge strong support of the rule and the underlying bill. Mr. POLIS. Mr. Speaker, I would just add that demanding that private companies deliberately include defects in their own encryption systems for the purpose of allowing the NSA to conduct backdoor surveillance only increases the risk of our cybersecurity networks rather than decreases it, which is exactly what the bill does. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from Mississippi (Mr. Thompson), the ranking member of the Committee on Homeland Security. Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Colorado for yielding the time. Mr. Speaker, though I support H.R. 1731, the National Cybersecurity Protection Advancement Act, as approved by voice vote in my committee, I rise to express my disappointment with the rule. [[Page H2373]] Yesterday the White House announced support for House passage of H.R. 1731 but said that ``improvements to the bill are needed to ensure that its liability protections are appropriately targeted to encourage responsible cybersecurity practices.'' The White House was referring to the language that was inserted at the direction of the Judiciary majority. Instead of providing a targeted safe harbor for companies to share timely cyber threat information, it establishes an unduly complicated legal framework that runs the risk of providing liability relief to companies that act negligently. Moreover, it explicitly immunizes companies from not acting on timely cyber information. This language runs counter to the fundamental goal of the legislation: to get companies timely, actionable information to use to protect their networks. Yet when H.R. 1731 is considered tomorrow, Members will not be allowed to vote on a single amendment to fix the liability provision that the White House has called ``sweeping'' and said may weaken cybersecurity overall. Remarkably, none of the seven amendments that were filed to fix it are being allowed. I would also like to register my disappointment that the rule calls for H.R. 1731, upon passage, to be attached to the Intelligence Committee bill. From my conversation with Members, I know that there is a great deal of support for authorizing cyber information sharing with the Federal civilian lead, the Department of Homeland Security. As such, I would argue that the rule should have called for H.R. 1560 to be folded into our bill. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. At this point, Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to yield 1 minute to the distinguished gentleman from California (Mr. Issa), the chairman of the Judiciary Committee's Subcommittee on Courts, Intellectual Property, and the Internet. Mr. ISSA. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman. Mr. Speaker, I will be supporting the rule, but not without trepidation. I will be opposing the underlying bill, but not without regret. The underlying bill could have done what we wanted it to do. It could have allowed for the exchange of information while protecting individuals' privacy. It could have limited that information to preventing a cyberterrorist attack. But, in fact, amendments that were offered on a bipartisan basis, a number of them, that could have limited this would have, in fact, allowed us to have the confidence that this information would be used only for what it was intended. Mr. Speaker, since 9/11, the government has begun to know more and more about what we are doing, who we are, where we live, where we sleep, whom we love, whom we do business with, and where we travel. And we have known less and less. Just a few days ago, the Ninth Circuit in northern California had to rule that the government had to turn over information in a usable format. It took a Federal court order to do so. The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield the gentleman an additional 1 minute. Mr. ISSA. I thank the gentleman. Mr. Speaker, this bill should mandate our knowing more and the government not knowing. It should have ensured that the government only had what it needed. It should have protected private companies who wanted to exchange appropriate information between each other. It should not have created a vast treasure trove here in Washington or somewhere in the hinterland where the government now and in the future can dig in for any purpose--criminal background investigations or perhaps simply checking to see if you paid your taxes. The fact is, this is a data vault that is not narrowly construed, and, therefore, sadly, without the amendments that were not allowed, I am not in a position to vote for this bill. I thank the chairman, and I thank Mr. Polis for his kind remarks also. Mr. POLIS. Mr. Speaker, if we defeat the previous question, we will offer an amendment to the rule that will allow the House to consider the Department of Veterans Affairs Cybersecurity Protection Act. Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Arizona (Mrs. Kirkpatrick) to discuss our proposal. Mrs. KIRKPATRICK. Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for giving me a couple of minutes to talk about the importance of protecting our veterans from cyber attack. Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 1128, the Department of Veterans Affairs Cyber Security Protection Act. My bill will protect veterans' personal and sensitive information from cyber attacks without compromising the VA's ability to provide the health care, benefits, and services our veterans have earned. This legislation will do primarily three things. First, it will require the VA to develop an information security strategic plan that protects current veterans' information and anticipates future cybersecurity threats. Second, it mandates a report on VA actions to hold employees accountable for data breaches. Third, it requires the VA to propose a reorganization of the VA's information-security infrastructure to protect veterans and provide greater levels of accountability and responsibility in the VA. My bill will also require the VA to report employee violations of its policy and report any incidents involving the compromise of veterans' personal information by the VA or from outside cyber attacks. Mr. Speaker, this bill is one commonsense way that we can hold the VA accountable and protect veterans' private and personal information from cyber threats, and I urge all of my colleagues to support H.R. 1128. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, at this time I am pleased to yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Carter), a member of the Homeland Security Committee and a colleague of mine from Georgia. Mr. CARTER of Georgia. I thank the gentleman. Mr. Speaker, national cybersecurity will be an issue this House will have to constantly address for the foreseeable future. To achieve a system that will protect our Nation's citizens and its infrastructure, we must create a public-private partnership between Federal agencies and American businesses. This partnership will allow Federal agencies and American businesses to share cyber threat information, vulnerabilities within our cyber network, and the creation of new systems to protect consumer information. However, private businesses need to be provided protections and incentives to ensure they are protected from government abuse and private legal proceedings meant to gain access to private security information. Mr. Speaker, one of our top priorities with these two bills should be to clearly acknowledge protections given to companies that engage in penetration testing and clearly state that company proprietary information is protected from nefarious legal proceedings and exempted from Freedom of Information Act requests. It is reasonable to think that individuals would actively pursue this sort of proprietary information for the sole purpose of accessing the vulnerabilities of private cyber networks if we do not clearly state that this information is protected and exempt from those actions. I believe we should consider these possibilities and ensure that protections are provided so our country and its citizens can fully benefit from these laws. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Will the gentleman yield? Mr. CARTER of Georgia. I yield to the gentleman. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. I want to thank my colleague from Georgia who sits on the Homeland Security Committee for his passion and his commitment to addressing these critical defects in the laws governing this voluntary sharing of cyber threat information. The legislation before us today is good policy reflective of the hard work of the committees on which you sit, Homeland Security and the Intelligence Committee, as well as input from a vast array of stakeholders. It is important to know that the legislation is supported by every sector of the economy. As my friend so eloquently noted, the legislative process will rightly continue after these bills are considered by the full House this week and for years to come as we revisit and reassess the needs of Americans' privacy and also the laws governing cybersecurity. [[Page H2374]] Mr. Speaker, I agree with my friend that if there is a conference committee on this bill, we should encourage them to seek additional clarification language as needed to ensure that companies are appropriately incentivized to share cyber threat information. I just want to say personally that I appreciate all the hard work that you have done on this issue bringing this forward and continuing to work for not only the companies in Georgia but across this Nation who depend on a safe and secure cyber network. Mr. POLIS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time. Mr. Speaker, it is ironic that on this very day, leaders on the Judiciary Committee will introduce legislation designed to reform and rein in the Federal Government's surveillance programs. I haven't had the opportunity to review those bills yet, so I can't speak to their merits. But I hope that if it is a strong bill, it will make its way through both Chambers and become law. But, today, this body is considering a rule that would take us in the wrong direction. Recent history has shown that this body shares the American people's concerns that we don't take the threat of unwarranted surveillance seriously enough and that Congress needs to pass meaningful reforms that balance our liberties, our freedoms, and our privacy with the need to keep America safe. Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell introduced legislation yesterday that would extend the NSA's surveillance program without any of the reforms that many of us on both sides of the aisle have advocated to rein them in. This is despite the national outcry and, indeed, international embarrassment that has been counterproductive to the very American security goals that these provisions are designed to advance. This makes me fear that Congress is not learning from the mistakes of the past, mistakes of overly broad surveillance authorities, but instead is about to repeat them. So before we approve faster, broader, and easier sharing of vast amounts of personal information from innocent Americans with the Federal Government, Congress should be taking up legislation to prove that we have the ability to curb abuse and the Federal Government's penchant for abusing its access to this kind of data. So far Congress has not shown its aptitude for preventing this kind of abuse. Yet today we ask the American people to trust us, to trust the President, yet again, by opening up even more information to the NSA and other surveillance agencies. Our experience with the NSA has shown us that to protect American civil liberties from an overzealous surveillance apparatus, the authorities to review and share Americans' personal information need to be construed as narrowly, as unambiguously, and as specifically as possible by the United States Congress. We need to limit very specifically to a specific set of circumstances under which sharing data and information is necessary for mitigating a security threat. We offered to do that through bipartisan amendments, working with Representative Lofgren, Representative Issa, and others, but none of those amendments are allowed to be discussed or debated under this rule. Both the Protecting Cyber Networks Act and the National Cybersecurity Protection Advancement Act fall well short of the standard--and in the case of the Protecting Cyber Networks Act can even be counterproductive and falls woefully short. {time} 1315 These pieces of legislation would enable Federal agencies to store and share Americans' private information, such as Internet usage patterns, even the content of online communications, based on a vague or broad standard that doing so is not unrelated to a cybersecurity threat. Again, not affirmatively, they don't have to prove that it is related to a cybersecurity threat; the burden of proof is to show that it is not unrelated to a cybersecurity threat. How can you demonstrably show that about anything? It would make it easier for government agencies to deliberately weaken software systems for the purpose of creating new surveillance back doors that foreign nation-states and hackers can presumably also exploit. It would leave the door wide open to more NSA surveillance by allowing the sharing of personal information for a raft of purposes unrelated to cybersecurity. We can do better. By rejecting this rule, Members of Congress will show that, yes, we take cybersecurity seriously, so seriously that we want to take the time to get it right. Whether that takes another week or 2 weeks or 3 weeks, getting it right means allowing Members of this body input into the formulation of the final bill meaningfully through the kinds of amendments that have been rejected outright under this rule without discussion, without debate, without a vote. Unfortunately, the rule before us today denies us the ability to consider amendments that would have addressed many of the concerns with the bill. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of the amendment in the Record, along with extraneous material, immediately prior to the vote on the previous question. The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from Colorado? There was no objection. Mr. POLIS. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to vote ``no'' and defeat the previous question. I urge a ``no'' vote on this bizarre rule that combines two, at times, contradictory bills and rejects bipartisan amendments that would have addressed the concerns that many of us have with the underlying legislation. I urge a ``no'' vote on the previous question and the rule. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I may consume. As we move forward, I think one of the things--and there are many things that are going to be discussed, and I encourage all Members to vote for this rule. As we move into general debate, there will be a lot of discussion that talks about what we are moving forward; but, also, I want to bring forward that we are--as is seemingly not discussed bringing forth, there are amendments being brought forth on both of these bills. There also were 20-something amendments in Homeland Security; there was also an amendment in Intelligence. These are vetted bills. This is a proper role with what we are doing in Congress in bringing these to the floor. Are there times that someone may want others? Yes; but, at this point, we are going to have that debate here on the floor. That is why voting for this rule and moving this forward is the proper thing to do. Before we also move back from this, I want to talk about this need and why we are here even to start with. Most Americans recognize and understand that the growing attacks against our cyber networks and critical infrastructure and our laws fail to provide proper legal authority for information regarding cyber threats to be shared. In fact, when I am back home in the Ninth District of Georgia discussing this, most people don't realize there is this barrier, and especially everything that is going on, they don't understand why some of these impediments were put into place that keeps companies from protecting their own, but also protecting their own personal information. One of the things that is missing in this debate is the discussion of what has actually happened and the personal information that is shared by these hackers who are getting into our system. Some of the latest attacks perpetrated by North Korea and other criminal enterprises on Sony Pictures and health insurance providers Anthem and Blue Cross Blue Shield speak to the type of attacks that occur on a daily basis that target the backbone of American business and the privacy of America's most sensitive data. As we look to constrain this, as we look to put in proper safeguards, we have to realize that doing nothing exposes more and more of our American citizens to personal information being shared. If we don't believe it, just read the headlines from Sony, Anthem, and these others that have come out recently. According to the Department of Homeland Security, in 2014 alone, they [[Page H2375]] received almost 100,000 cyber incident reports and detected 64,000 cyber vulnerabilities, and these numbers are just based on information given to DHS and does not reflect the full scope of the attacks on our Nation. When we look at this and we talk about the personal information, the FBI Director James Comey said: There are two kinds of big companies in the United States. There are those who have been hacked . . . and those who don't know they have been hacked. A recent survey by the Ponemon Institute showed an average cost of a cyber crime for U.S. retail stores more than doubled from 2013 to an annual average of 8.6 million per company in 2014. The annual average cost for a company of a successful cyber attack in 2014 increased to 20.8 million in financial services, 14.5 million in the technology sector, and 12.7 million in the communications industry. The scope of many attacks are not fully known. For example, in July of 2014, the U.S. Computer Emergency Readiness Team issued an advisory that more than 1,000 U.S. businesses have been affected by the Backoff malware, which targets point-of-sale systems used by most retail industries. These attacks targeted administrative and customer data and, in many cases, financial data. Most companies encounter multiple cyber attacks every day, many unknown to the public and many unknown to the companies themselves even. Again, as we look back over the attacks of just the past year, Target announced an additional 70 million individual contact information was taken during the December 2013 breach in which 40 million customers' credit and debit information was stolen. Between May 2013 and January 2014, the payment cards of 2.6 million Michaels customers were affected. Attackers targeted the Michaels POS system to gain access to their systems. The email service Yahoo! Mail was reportedly hacked in for 273 million users, although the specific number of accounts affected was not released. For 2 weeks, AT&T was hacked from the inside by personnel who accessed user information, including Social Security information. Foreign nationals from China have been indicted for computer hacking and economic espionage. We have seen these attacks all over the board. Looking at this, the real issue that comes to mind is if we sit back and are not productive and not proactive as the Intelligence Committee and the Homeland Security Committee have been here, we are putting in danger more personal information being exposed in ways that no American needs to have their personal information exposed and are being targeted in the process. This is good legislation that needs to stay on the floor, and that is why we are here today to support this rule and to look forward to that debate that has already happened and will continue to happen. I appreciate the discussion we have had over the past hour. Although we may have some differences, our unity should be clear against the cyber attacks and our resolve to prevent them and show their success is strong. This rule provides for ample debate on the floor, the opportunity to debate and to vote on 16 amendments, and a smooth and deliberative process for sending one bill to the Senate. These bills will help protect American consumers, jobs, and small businesses. Allowing companies, again, to voluntarily share cyber threat indicators with other companies and government agencies will help bring awareness to new threats and vulnerabilities. If businesses can learn about a new threat from another business or from the government before they are targeted themselves, they can better act to protect their customers' personal information from a similar attack. I would like to thank Intel, Homeland Security, Judiciary, and Rules Committee members and staff for the thoughtful and involved processes that have brought us to this point. I urge my colleagues to support the rule and these two cybersecurity bills. Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I rise to speak on the Rule governing debate on H.R. 1731 and H.R. 1560. I support the Rule for H.R. 1731 and H.R. 1569 because it: 1. provides for consideration of important improvements to both bills; 2. makes clear the role of the Department of Homeland Security in securing civil government networks; and 3. the responsibilities of DHS in assist private sector entities in improving overall cybersecurity for themselves and their customers. The bipartisan process that the Homeland Security Committee followed through the leadership of Chairman McCaul and Ranking Member Thompson is an example of what can be accomplished when partisanship is removed from the policymaking equation. I would also like to thank Chairman Sessions and Ranking Member Slaughter as well as members of the Rules Committee for making 4 of my amendments in order. I join my colleagues in the work to secure our nation's cybersecurity, while preserving the privacy and civil liberties of our citizens. The road to today began in 2011, when President Obama took several steps to move the issue of cybersecurity to the forefront by: 1. releasing a cybersecurity legislative proposal; 2. calling on Congress to take urgent action to give the private sector and government the tools needed to combat cyber threats at home and abroad; and 3. issuing the International Strategy for Cyberspace to make clear to nations abroad that the United States was firmly committed to improving cybersecurity and combating cyber terrorism. I will be offering several amendments as the two bills are considered. The Jackson Lee amendments are simple and will improve the privacy protections already in the bills and allow the Department of Homeland Security to become a better partner with the private sector in its work to improve domestic cybersecurity. One of the Jackson Lee amendments that will be offered to the both bills will improve privacy and civil liberties by providing the public with a report from the Government Accountability Office that their privacy and civil liberties are not being compromised by the programs established by this bill. Other Jackson Lee Amendments to H.R. 1731 will include an assurance that DHS's remains current on innovations: 1. on data security that can improve privacy and civil liberties protections; 2. in industrial control systems to keep pace with industry adoption of new technologies; and industry best practices; and 3. that can aid DHS in aligning federally funded cybersecurity research and development with private sector efforts to protect privacy and civil liberties. These amendments will make sure that technology and equipment purchased with taxpayer dollars provided to ensure cybersecurity will remain current and focused on real-world applications that reflect constitutional values and how businesses and industry function. An important building block for improving the Nation's cybersecurity is ensuring that private entities can collaborate to share timely cyber threat information with each other and the Federal Government. The Administration is expressing concerns with H.R. 1560's broad liability protections offered to companies that sharing information with federal government programs established under this bill. Appropriate liability protections should be established that incentivize good cybersecurity practices and would not grant immunity to a private company for failing to act on information it receives about the security of its networks. The important component of cybersecurity is that computer network owners and managers will act to improve cyber defense of their systems when provided with information that vulnerabilities in their computer networks exist. Legislation should not provide incentives for companies not to act when presented with evidence of network cyber security vulnerabilities. Electronic data breaches involving Sony, Target, Home Depot, Neiman Marcus, JPMorgan Chase, and Athem are only a few of the cyber incidents that have plagued private sector networks. These data breaches also are a reminder that the Internet is not yet what it must become to continue to meet the remote communication needs of a global marketplace. As with other threats this nation has faced in the past and overcome we must create the resources and the institutional responses to protect our nation while preserving our liberties and freedoms. We cannot accomplish the task of better cybersecurity without the cooperation and full support of citizens; the private sector; local state and federal government; computing research community; and academia. This level of cooperation requires the trust and confidence of the American people that the actions taken by government to combat cyber threats will not threaten our way of life nor our hard fought Constitutional rights. H.R. 1731 makes clear that the Department of Homeland Security will be the federal government agency responsible for securing civilian government networks and supporting voluntary efforts by private sector companies and institutions to improve coordination and response to cyber security threats. [[Page H2376]] The issues regarding liability protection related to cybersecurity must be addressed in order for H.R. 1560 and H.R. 1731 to have any chance of succeeding. It is my understanding that Chairman McCaul and Ranking Member Thompson have reached agreement on language that addresses concerns that have been raised regarding liability. There are talented and resourceful people outside and inside of government who can inform Congress on approaches to information sharing that will yield the desired results without compromising privacy or civil liberties. Mr. RICHMOND. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the Rule for H.R. 1560 and H.R. 1731. Members from both parties have a shared goal of bolstering cybersecurity and improving the quality of information that the private sector receives about timely cyber threats so that they can protect their systems. I am greatly disappointed that the Rules Committee failed to make in order any of the several amendments submitted by both Democrats and Republicans to refine what the White House has called ``sweeping'' liability protections, as they appear in both cyber information sharing bills to be considered this week. Extending liability protection to a company that ``fails to act'' on timely threat information could encourage companies to simply do nothing despite receiving information critical to the security of its systems. Appropriate liability protection does not grant immunity to companies for failing to act on such cybersecurity threat information, but rather incentivizes sound cybersecurity practices. The provision also effectively preempts state laws--including those in California, Massachusetts, and Maryland--that hold businesses liable for failing to maintain reasonable security of their systems, thereby undermining important protections for consumers and their sensitive data. Instead, my Democratic colleagues on the Homeland Security Committee and I support President Obama's straightforward, tailored approach to addressing what some in industry have identified as a major barrier to the sharing of cyber threat information--the risk that sharing such information would expose companies to legal liability. Unfortunately, the liability protection provision included in the bill puts in place an unduly complicated structure that runs the risk of providing liability relief to companies that fail to act on timely cyber information. I submitted two amendments to address the liability protection problems that exist in both information sharing bills to be considered this week. The first would have struck the provision immunizing companies that fail to act on timely threat information and clarified that the Act has no impact on a duty to act on shared cybersecurity threat information. The second would have removed all potential liability exemptions for willful misconduct by government actors. These provisions would have improved both bills greatly, and at a minimum they deserved to be debated on the House floor today. The effectiveness of information sharing legislation and efforts to improve the security of companies' systems depends on getting liability protection right. I look forward to continuing the discussion on liability protection with Members from both sides of the aisle as the bill moves forward. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, House Report 114-88, the report to accompany H. Res. 212, the special rule governing consideration of H.R. 1731, does not reflect a request by Mr. Mulvaney of South Carolina to add Mr. Thompson of Mississippi as a cosponsor of his amendment, number 8 printed in part B of the report. The material previously referred to by Mr. Polis is as follows: An Amendment to H. Res. 212 Offered by Mr. Polis of Colorado At the end of the resolution, add the following new sections: Sec. 4. Immediately upon adoption of this resolution the Speaker shall, pursuant to clause 2(b) of rule XVIII, declare the House resolved into the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union for consideration of the bill (H.R. 1128) to amend title 38, United States Code, to make certain improvements in the information security of the Department of Veterans Affairs, and for other purposes. General debate shall be confined to the bill and shall not exceed one hour equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking minority member of the Committee on Veterans' Affairs. After general debate the bill shall be considered for amendment under the five-minute rule. All points of order against provisions in the bill are waived. At the conclusion of consideration of the bill for amendment the Committee shall rise and report the bill to the House with such amendments as may have been adopted. The previous question shall be considered as ordered on the bill and amendments thereto to final passage without intervening motion except one motion to recommit with or without instructions. If the Committee of the Whole rises and reports that it has come to no resolution on the bill, then on the next legislative day the House shall, immediately after the third daily order of business under clause 1 of rule XIV, resolve into the Committee of the Whole for further consideration of the bill. Sec. 5. Clause 1(c) of rule XIX shall not apply to the consideration of H.R. 1128. ____ The Vote on the Previous Question: What It Really Means This vote, the vote on whether to order the previous question on a special rule, is not merely a procedural vote. A vote against ordering the previous question is a vote against the Republican majority agenda and a vote to allow the Democratic minority to offer an alternative plan. It is a vote about what the House should be debating. Mr. Clarence Cannon's Precedents of the House of Representatives (VI, 308-311), describes the vote on the previous question on the rule as ``a motion to direct or control the consideration of the subject before the House being made by the Member in charge.'' To defeat the previous question is to give the opposition a chance to decide the subject before the House. Cannon cites the Speaker's ruling of January 13, 1920, to the effect that ``the refusal of the House to sustain the demand for the previous question passes the control of the resolution to the opposition'' in order to offer an amendment. On March 15, 1909, a member of the majority party offered a rule resolution. The House defeated the previous question and a member of the opposition rose to a parliamentary inquiry, asking who was entitled to recognition. Speaker Joseph G. Cannon (R-Illinois) said: ``The previous question having been refused, the gentleman from New York, Mr. Fitzgerald, who had asked the gentleman to yield to him for an amendment, is entitled to the first recognition.'' The Republican majority may say ``the vote on the previous question is simply a vote on whether to proceed to an immediate vote on adopting the resolution . . . [and] has no substantive legislative or policy implications whatsoever.'' But that is not what they have always said. Listen to the Republican Leadership Manual on the Legislative Process in the United States House of Representatives, (6th edition, page 135). Here's how the Republicans describe the previous question vote in their own manual: ``Although it is generally not possible to amend the rule because the majority Member controlling the time will not yield for the purpose of offering an amendment, the same result may be achieved by voting down the previous question on the rule. . . . When the motion for the previous question is defeated, control of the time passes to the Member who led the opposition to ordering the previous question. That Member, because he then controls the time, may offer an amendment to the rule, or yield for the purpose of amendment.'' In Deschler's Procedure in the U.S. House of Representatives, the subchapter titled ``Amending Special Rules'' states: ``a refusal to order the previous question on such a rule [a special rule reported from the Committee on Rules] opens the resolution to amendment and further debate.'' (Chapter 21, section 21.2) Section 21.3 continues: ``Upon rejection of the motion for the previous question on a resolution reported from the Committee on Rules, control shifts to the Member leading the opposition to the previous question, who may offer a proper amendment or motion and who controls the time for debate thereon.'' Clearly, the vote on the previous question on a rule does have substantive policy implications. It is one of the only available tools for those who oppose the Republican majority's agenda and allows those with alternative views the opportunity to offer an alternative plan. Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time, and I move the previous question on the resolution. The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Marchant). The question is on ordering the previous question. The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that the ayes appeared to have it. Mr. POLIS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays. The yeas and nays were ordered. The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 9 of rule XX, the Chair will reduce to 5 minutes the minimum time for any electronic vote on the question of adoption of the resolution. The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 237, nays 179, not voting 15, as follows: [Roll No. 163] YEAS--237 Abraham Aderholt Allen Amash Amodei Babin Barletta Barr Barton Benishek Bilirakis Bishop (MI) Bishop (UT) Black Blackburn Blum Bost Boustany Brat Bridenstine Brooks (AL) Brooks (IN) Buchanan Buck Bucshon Burgess Byrne Calvert Carter (GA) Carter (TX) Chabot Chaffetz Clawson (FL) Coffman Cole Collins (GA) Collins (NY) Comstock Conaway Cook Costello (PA) Cramer Crawford Crenshaw Culberson Davis, Rodney Denham Dent DeSantis Diaz-Balart Dold Duffy Duncan (SC) Duncan (TN) [[Page H2377]] Ellmers (NC) Emmer (MN) Farenthold Fincher Fitzpatrick Fleischmann Fleming Flores Forbes Fortenberry Foxx Franks (AZ) Frelinghuysen Garrett Gibbs Gibson Gohmert Goodlatte Gosar Gowdy Granger Graves (GA) Graves (LA) Griffith Grothman Guinta Guthrie Hanna Hardy Harper Harris Hartzler Heck (NV) Hensarling Herrera Beutler Hice, Jody B. Hill Holding Hudson Huelskamp Huizenga (MI) Hultgren Hunter Hurd (TX) Hurt (VA) Issa Jenkins (KS) Jenkins (WV) Johnson (OH) Johnson, Sam Jolly Jones Jordan Joyce Katko Kelly (PA) King (IA) King (NY) Kinzinger (IL) Kline Knight Labrador LaMalfa Lamborn Lance Latta LoBiondo Long Loudermilk Love Lucas Luetkemeyer Lummis MacArthur Marchant Marino Massie McCarthy McCaul McClintock McHenry McKinley McMorris Rodgers McSally Meadows Meehan Messer Mica Miller (FL) Miller (MI) Moolenaar Mooney (WV) Mullin Mulvaney Murphy (PA) Neugebauer Newhouse Noem Nugent Nunes Palazzo Palmer Paulsen Pearce Perry Pittenger Pitts Poliquin Pompeo Posey Price, Tom Ratcliffe Reed Reichert Renacci Ribble Rice (SC) Rigell Roby Roe (TN) Rogers (AL) Rogers (KY) Rohrabacher Rokita Rooney (FL) Ros-Lehtinen Roskam Ross Rothfus Rouzer Royce Russell Ryan (WI) Salmon Sanford Scalise Schweikert Scott, Austin Sensenbrenner Sessions Shimkus Shuster Simpson Smith (MO) Smith (NE) Smith (NJ) Smith (TX) Stefanik Stewart Stivers Stutzman Thompson (PA) Thornberry Tiberi Tipton Trott Turner Upton Valadao Wagner Walberg Walden Walker Walorski Walters, Mimi Weber (TX) Webster (FL) Wenstrup Westerman Westmoreland Whitfield Williams Wilson (SC) Wittman Womack Woodall Yoder Yoho Young (AK) Young (IA) Young (IN) Zeldin Zinke NAYS--179 Adams Aguilar Ashford Bass Beatty Becerra Bera Beyer Bishop (GA) Blumenauer Bonamici Boyle, Brendan F. Brady (PA) Brown (FL) Brownley (CA) Bustos Butterfield Capps Capuano Caardenas Carney Carson (IN) Cartwright Castor (FL) Castro (TX) Chu, Judy Cicilline Clark (MA) Clarke (NY) Clay Cleaver Clyburn Cohen Connolly Conyers Cooper Courtney Crowley Cuellar Cummings Davis (CA) Davis, Danny DeFazio DeGette Delaney DeLauro DelBene DeSaulnier Dingell Doggett Doyle, Michael F. Duckworth Edwards Ellison Engel Eshoo Esty Farr Fattah Foster Frankel (FL) Fudge Gabbard Gallego Garamendi Graham Grayson Green, Al Green, Gene Grijalva Gutieerrez Hahn Heck (WA) Higgins Himes Hinojosa Honda Hoyer Huffman Israel Jackson Lee Jeffries Johnson (GA) Johnson, E. B. Kaptur Keating Kelly (IL) Kennedy Kildee Kilmer Kind Kirkpatrick Kuster Langevin Larsen (WA) Larson (CT) Lawrence Lee Levin Lewis Lieu, Ted Lipinski Loebsack Lofgren Lowenthal Lowey Lujan Grisham (NM) Lujaan, Ben Ray (NM) Lynch Maloney, Carolyn Maloney, Sean Matsui McCollum McDermott McGovern McNerney Meeks Meng Moore Moulton Nadler Napolitano Nolan Norcross O'Rourke Pallone Pascrell Pelosi Perlmutter Peters Peterson Pingree Pocan Polis Price (NC) Quigley Rangel Rice (NY) Richmond Roybal-Allard Ruiz Ruppersberger Rush Ryan (OH) Saanchez, Linda T. Sanchez, Loretta Sarbanes Schakowsky Schiff Scott (VA) Scott, David Serrano Sewell (AL) Sherman Sinema Sires Slaughter Speier Swalwell (CA) Takai Takano Thompson (CA) Thompson (MS) Titus Tonko Torres Tsongas Van Hollen Vargas Veasey Vela Velaazquez Visclosky Walz Waters, Maxine Watson Coleman Welch Wilson (FL) Yarmuth NOT VOTING--15 Brady (TX) Costa Curbelo (FL) DesJarlais Deutch Graves (MO) Hastings Murphy (FL) Neal Olson Payne Poe (TX) Schrader Smith (WA) Wasserman Schultz {time} 1349 Messrs. CLEAVER and GENE GREEN of Texas changed their vote from ``yea'' to ``nay.'' Messrs. NEUGEBAUER, HUDSON, and STIVERS changed their vote from ``nay'' to ``yea.'' So the previous question was ordered. The result of the vote was announced as above recorded. Stated against: Mr. DEUTCH. Mr. Speaker, on rollcall No. 163, had I been present, I would have voted ``no.'' The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the resolution. The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that the ayes appeared to have it. Recorded Vote Mr. POLIS. Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote. A recorded vote was ordered. The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 238, noes 182, not voting 11, as follows: [Roll No. 164] AYES--238 Abraham Aderholt Allen Amodei Ashford Babin Barletta Barr Barton Benishek Bilirakis Bishop (MI) Bishop (UT) Black Blackburn Blum Bost Boustany Brat Bridenstine Brooks (AL) Brooks (IN) Buchanan Buck Bucshon Burgess Byrne Calvert Carter (GA) Carter (TX) Chabot Chaffetz Clawson (FL) Coffman Cole Collins (GA) Collins (NY) Comstock Conaway Cook Costa Costello (PA) Cramer Crawford Crenshaw Culberson Davis, Rodney Denham Dent DeSantis Diaz-Balart Dold Duckworth Duffy Duncan (SC) Duncan (TN) Ellmers (NC) Emmer (MN) Farenthold Fincher Fitzpatrick Fleischmann Fleming Flores Forbes Fortenberry Foxx Franks (AZ) Frelinghuysen Garrett Gibbs Gibson Gohmert Goodlatte Gosar Gowdy Granger Graves (GA) Graves (LA) Griffith Grothman Guinta Guthrie Hanna Hardy Harper Harris Hartzler Heck (NV) Hensarling Herrera Beutler Hice, Jody B. Hill Holding Hudson Huizenga (MI) Hultgren Hunter Hurd (TX) Hurt (VA) Issa Jenkins (KS) Jenkins (WV) Johnson (OH) Johnson, Sam Jolly Jordan Joyce Katko Kelly (PA) King (IA) King (NY) Kinzinger (IL) Kline Knight Labrador LaMalfa Lamborn Lance Latta LoBiondo Long Loudermilk Love Lucas Luetkemeyer Lummis MacArthur Marchant Marino McCarthy McCaul McClintock McHenry McKinley McMorris Rodgers McSally Meadows Meehan Messer Mica Miller (FL) Miller (MI) Moolenaar Mooney (WV) Mullin Mulvaney Murphy (PA) Neugebauer Newhouse Noem Nugent Nunes Palazzo Palmer Paulsen Pearce Perry Pittenger Pitts Poe (TX) Poliquin Pompeo Posey Price, Tom Ratcliffe Reed Reichert Renacci Ribble Rice (SC) Rigell Roby Roe (TN) Rogers (AL) Rogers (KY) Rohrabacher Rokita Rooney (FL) Ros-Lehtinen Roskam Ross Rothfus Rouzer Royce Russell Ryan (WI) Salmon Sanford Scalise Schweikert Scott, Austin Sensenbrenner Sessions Shimkus Shuster Simpson Sinema Smith (MO) Smith (NE) Smith (NJ) Smith (TX) Stefanik Stewart Stivers Stutzman Thompson (PA) Thornberry Tiberi Tipton Trott Turner Upton Valadao Wagner Walberg Walden Walker Walorski Walters, Mimi Weber (TX) Webster (FL) Wenstrup Westerman Westmoreland Whitfield Williams Wilson (SC) Wittman Womack Woodall Yoder Yoho Young (AK) Young (IA) Young (IN) Zeldin Zinke NOES--182 Adams Aguilar Amash Bass Beatty Becerra Bera Beyer Bishop (GA) Blumenauer Bonamici Boyle, Brendan F. Brady (PA) Brown (FL) Brownley (CA) Bustos Butterfield Capps Capuano Caardenas Carney Carson (IN) Cartwright Castor (FL) Castro (TX) Chu, Judy Cicilline Clark (MA) Clarke (NY) Clay Cleaver Clyburn Cohen Connolly Conyers Cooper Courtney Crowley Cuellar Cummings Davis (CA) Davis, Danny DeFazio DeGette Delaney DeLauro DelBene DeSaulnier Deutch Dingell Doggett Doyle, Michael F. Edwards Ellison Engel Eshoo Esty Farr Fattah Foster Frankel (FL) Fudge Gabbard Gallego Garamendi Graham Grayson Green, Al Green, Gene Grijalva Gutieerrez Hahn Heck (WA) Higgins Himes Hinojosa Honda Hoyer Huelskamp Huffman Israel Jackson Lee Jeffries Johnson (GA) Johnson, E. B. Jones Kaptur Keating Kelly (IL) Kennedy Kildee Kilmer Kind Kirkpatrick Kuster Langevin Larsen (WA) Larson (CT) Lawrence Lee Levin Lewis Lieu, Ted Lipinski Loebsack Lofgren Lowenthal Lowey Lujan Grisham (NM) Lujaan, Ben Ray (NM) Lynch Maloney, Carolyn Maloney, Sean Massie Matsui McCollum McDermott McGovern McNerney Meeks Meng Moore Moulton Nadler [[Page H2378]] Napolitano Nolan Norcross O'Rourke Pallone Pascrell Pelosi Perlmutter Peters Peterson Pingree Pocan Polis Price (NC) Quigley Rangel Rice (NY) Richmond Roybal-Allard Ruiz Ruppersberger Rush Ryan (OH) Saanchez, Linda T. Sanchez, Loretta Sarbanes Schakowsky Schiff Schrader Scott (VA) Scott, David Serrano Sewell (AL) Sherman Sires Slaughter Speier Swalwell (CA) Takai Takano Thompson (CA) Thompson (MS) Titus Tonko Torres Tsongas Van Hollen Vargas Veasey Vela Velaazquez Visclosky Walz Waters, Maxine Watson Coleman Welch Wilson (FL) Yarmuth NOT VOTING--11 Brady (TX) Curbelo (FL) DesJarlais Graves (MO) Hastings Murphy (FL) Neal Olson Payne Smith (WA) Wasserman Schultz {time} 1356 So the resolution was agreed to. The result of the vote was announced as above recorded. A motion to reconsider was laid on the table. ____________________ [Congressional Record Volume 161, Number 59 (Wednesday, April 22, 2015)] [House] [Pages H2381-H2398] From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov] PROTECTING CYBER NETWORKS ACT General Leave Mr. NUNES. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and insert extraneous material on H.R. 1560, the Protecting Cyber Networks Act. The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Rodney Davis of Illinois). Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from California? There was no objection. The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 212 and rule XVIII, the Chair declares the House in the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union for the consideration of the bill, H.R. 1560. The Chair appoints the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Marchant) to preside over the Committee of the Whole. {time} 1436 In the Committee of the Whole Accordingly, the House resolved itself into the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union for the consideration of the bill (H.R. 1560) to improve cybersecurity in the United States through enhanced sharing of information about cybersecurity threats, and for other purposes, with Mr. Marchant in the chair. The Clerk read the title of the bill. The CHAIR. Pursuant to the rule, the bill is considered read the first time. The gentleman from California (Mr. Nunes) and the gentleman from California (Mr. Schiff) each will control 30 minutes. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California (Mr. Nunes). Mr. NUNES. Mr. Chair, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Over the last several years, cyber attacks have become a pressing concern for the United States. Anthem, Home Depot, Sony, Target, JPMorgan Chase, and other companies have been subject to major attacks, resulting in the compromise of personal information of employees and customers alike. Cyber thieves, whether hostile foreign agents or money-seeking criminals, have stolen credit card numbers, accessed medical records, leaked proprietary information, and published confidential emails affecting tens of millions of Americans. This situation cannot continue. The House has passed cybersecurity information-sharing legislation with strong majorities in the past two Congresses. The gentleman from California, Ranking Member Schiff, and I have continued this bipartisan tradition, working closely together to draft a bill that will increase the security of our networks while protecting users' privacy. I see the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Ruppersberger) is here. He sponsored this legislation last time, along with the gentleman from Michigan, Chairman Rogers, who is now retired, but I do want to give them a special thanks and gratitude. I hope that we can get this bill across the floor this year. We have also worked closely with leadership--the gentleman from Texas, Chairman McCaul; the gentleman from Virginia, Chairman Goodlatte--and the Senate Intelligence Committee to ensure that our bills complement each other. The Protecting Cyber Networks Act addresses a core problem in our digital security infrastructure. Because of legal ambiguities, many companies are afraid to share information about cyber threats with each other or with the government. If a company sees some threat or attack, this bill will allow the company to quickly report information about the problem without fearing a lawsuit so that other companies can take measures to protect themselves. The bill encourages three kinds of sharing: private-to-private, government-to-private, and private-to-government. In that third scenario, the bill allows companies to share cyber threat information with a variety of government agencies. If banks are comfortable sharing with the Treasury Department, they can share with Treasury. If utilities prefer sharing with the Department of Energy, they can share with Energy. If companies want to share with the Department of Homeland Security, the Justice Department, or the Commerce Department, they can share with them. The only sharing that this bill does not encourage is direct sharing to the Department of Defense or the National Security Agency. Companies can still share with DOD and NSA, but they will not receive any new liability protections. [[Page H2382]] This bill does not provide the government with any new surveillance authorities. To the contrary, it includes robust privacy protections. It only authorizes the sharing of cyber threat indicators and defensive measures: technical information like malware signatures and malicious code. Before companies share with the Federal Government, they must remove all personal information. If companies don't follow those requirements, there is no liability protection. Furthermore, a government agency that receives the information must scrub it a second time. This will ensure all personal information has been removed. Only then can the information be forwarded to other Federal agencies. Finally, the bill provides for strong public and congressional oversight by requiring a detailed biennial inspectors general report relating to the government's receipt, use, and dissemination of cyber threat indicators. The Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board must also submit a biennial report on the privacy and civil liberties impact of the bill. The increasing pace and scope of cyber attacks cannot be ignored. This bill will strengthen our digital defenses so that American consumers and businesses will not be put at the mercy of cyber criminals. I look forward to passing this legislation. I reserve the balance of my time. Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I rise in support of H.R. 1560, the Protecting Cyber Networks Act. At some point, we need to stop just hearing about cyber attacks that steal our most valuable trade secrets and our most private information and actually do something to stop it. At some point, we need to stop talking about the next Sony, the next Anthem, the next Target, the next JPMorgan Chase, and the next State Department hack and actually pass a bill that will help ensure that there will be no next cyber attack. A few weeks back, the House Intelligence Committee held an open hearing on the cyber threat to America's private sector. We heard from our witnesses that their businesses are cyber attacked billions of times a day--not thousands, not millions, but billions. The threat to our economy, our jobs, and our privacy from not acting is massive, and it is certain. We see it happening all around us. So we must act now. That is why I am proud to support this bill. The Protecting Cyber Networks Act provides for voluntary information sharing of cyber threats between and among the private and public sectors. It does what no executive order can do: it incentivizes cyber threat information sharing by providing limited liability protection. Now companies can pool their resources and say to one another: I found this malicious code or this virus in my system; you need to protect yourself against it as well. And now the government can better warn companies of an impending cyber attack, just as it can for an approaching hurricane or an impending flu outbreak. But let me be very clear about this: to get the liability protection, a company that chooses to participate must remove any unrelated private information prior to sharing. This is something privacy advocates and I called for when previous information-sharing bills came before the House. Unlike prior bills, this measure requires the private sector to strip out private information. In fact, the bill has two, not one, privacy scrubs. The first happens when a company shares with another company or the Federal Government, and the second happens when the Federal Government shares the information further. This bill even holds the government directly liable if it doesn't do what it is required to do. Second, to get the liability protection, a private company wishing to share with the Federal Government must go through a civilian portal. To be clear: a company can't go directly to the DOD or NSA and get the bill's liability protection. The lack of a civilian portal in previous bills was another key privacy group criticism, and this bill has resolved that issue, too. In fact, of the five main criticisms of prior cyber bills, this bill has resolved each of them. It has private sector privacy stripping of information. It has a civilian portal. It also has narrow restrictions on what the government can use that shared cyber threat information for. Gone is a national security use provision. Gone is a vague terrorism use provision. And what is left is only the most narrow of uses: to prevent cyber attacks, to prevent the loss of life, to prevent serious harm to a child, and to prevent other serious felonies. {time} 1445 Gone, too, is any question of whether offensive countermeasures or hack back is authorized. This bill makes clear that you cannot take anything but defensive actions to protect your networks and data. And, lest anyone be confused, Mr. Chairman, this bill makes clear in black-and-white legislative text that nothing in the bill authorizes government surveillance in this act--nothing. What this bill does is authorize voluntary, private sector sharing of cyber threat information, and it allows the government to be able to quickly share threat information with the private sector, just as we need a CDC to put out timely warnings and advice on how to counteract this year's flu strain or how to prevent a local disease from becoming an epidemic. In addition, the bill requires strong privacy and civil liberties guidelines and intense reporting requirements. The bill before us today strikes the right balance between securing our networks and protecting our privacy, and addresses the privacy concerns that I, among others, raised last session. However, there are still some improvements that are yet to be made as the bill moves forward. In particular, we need to further clarify that our liability protection only extends to those who act, or fail to act, reasonably. Before closing, I want to thank Chairman Nunes for his leadership and for working so hard on this bill. It has been a great pleasure to work with you, Mr. Chairman. I am grateful for all of the hours, energy, and talent that you and your staff have put in to making this bill successful. I want to thank all the members of HPSCI as well as the Judiciary Committee and the Homeland Security Committee for working together on this. We had many differences in opinion, and we still have some, but we kept our eyes firmly on what is best for the American people as a whole. With that, we found ways to come together and produce a stronger bill. Mr. Chairman, I hope we can continue to work together as well with the Senate and with the White House and all the stakeholders to produce an even stronger bill for the President to sign into law. I also want to acknowledge the leadership of our predecessors, Dutch Ruppersberger and former HPSCI Chairman Mike Rogers. We have come this far in part because of the good work they did in the last couple of sessions. I also want to thank all those who came in to speak with us and provide their input in making this a better bill. Every day we delay more privacy is stolen, more jobs are lost, and more economic harm is done. Let's stop sitting by and watching all of this happen. Let's do something. Let's do what this administration has urged us to do and pass this bill. Let's do it now. I reserve the balance of my time. Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, at this time I would like to yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Westmoreland), who also is the chairman of the Subcommittee on NSA and Cybersecurity for the House Intelligence Committee. Mr. WESTMORELAND. Thank you, Chairman Nunes. Madam Chairman, today I rise in support of H.R. 1560, the Protecting Cyber Networks Act. The bill encourages and protects information sharing on cyber threats between private companies and the government and private companies. The bill safeguards personally identifiable information from being exchanged during the process by requiring private companies and the government to both make sure that no private information is exchanged. My home State of Georgia is home to many companies that deal with and secure sensitive data on a daily basis, and they are constantly looking for better ways to protect their networks. After recent cyber attacks against American businesses, I have spoken to industry leaders from Georgia and [[Page H2383]] across the Nation about how we can make information sharing between the industries and the government stronger to better protect our Nation. Cyberterrorism is the new battlefield, and adapting to this warfare is crucial to eliminating these threats. By allowing American businesses to alert other companies and the government of specific threats, and only the threats, the Protecting Cyber Networks Act can help shut down the cybercriminals from stealing sensitive information or causing devastating damage to our networks. The Protecting Cyber Networks Act is a bipartisan step forward in protecting businesses and citizens from being the next victim of a cyber attack. This bill helps devastating cyber attacks from going unnoticed or only being shared months after the attack. Madam Chairman, I would like to thank Chairman Nunes; Ranking Member Schiff; the ranking member on the subcommittee, Mr. Himes; and Mr. Ruppersberger for all the work that he has put into this, as well as former Chairman Rogers. I ask for a ``yea'' vote on this. Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Chair, it is a pleasure to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Ruppersberger), the former ranking member of the Intelligence Committee. Mr. RUPPERSBERGER. Madam Chairman, I rise in support of the bipartisan Protecting Cyber Networks Act and want to thank the members of the House Intelligence Committee for continuing to prioritize our Nation's security over partisan rhetoric. I do want to say this: I want to thank Chairman Nunes and also Ranking Member Schiff for acknowledging Chairman Rogers and me, but I want to remind you that it was a team approach, and you two were very active in helping to bring this bill here today as we did before. So thank you for your leadership. It is well worth it, and it is refreshing to see this bipartisanship. Mr. NUNES. Will the gentleman yield? Mr. RUPPERSBERGER. I yield to the gentleman from California. Mr. NUNES. I thank the gentleman for yielding. I thanked you in my opening statement, Mr. Ruppersberger, but without your leadership and former Chairman Rogers' leadership on this bill, we would not be here today. I am encouraged not only by your past support, but then your taking the time to come down here to speak on this bill I think says a lot about you and your commitment to our national security and the security of our cyber networks. So thank you. Mr. RUPPERSBERGER. Thank you, again, and thank you for your leadership. Now, this legislation is very similar to the bill that Chairman Rogers and I introduced to promote information sharing between the private and public sectors, which is the single most important thing we can do to combat increasingly aggressive cyber attacks. Experts believe these attacks are costing American corporations billions of dollars each year. Target, Home Depot, and CareFirst are only the beginning. With Sony, we saw the first destructive attack in our country. It is only a matter of time before our critical infrastructure is targeted. What would happen if someone were to take out our electrical grid or 911 call centers or air traffic control? It goes on and on. Voluntary information sharing among companies helps our companies defend themselves. Voluntary, two-way information sharing with the Federal Government helps improve our ability to protect America against foreign cyber threats by getting out more and better information faster. There are some concerns I have, as anyone has in any bill, between the bill and the bill Chairman Rogers and I introduced which passed the House. The Acting CHAIR (Ms. Foxx). The time of the gentleman has expired. Mr. SCHIFF. I yield the gentleman an additional 30 seconds. Mr. RUPPERSBERGER. However, I feel it is important to reach consensus and move this issue forward now. Our country continues to be cyber attacked. We are under attack as I speak. To do nothing is not an option. I want to thank again the leadership of Chairman Nunes and Ranking Member Schiff for their leadership and for the entire committee coming together for this bill, and I ask my colleagues to support it. Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, at this time I yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. McCaul), the chairman of the Homeland Security Committee, who, without his strong leadership and support, we wouldn't be at this juncture today getting a bill passed today and tomorrow that will hopefully become law. Mr. McCAUL. Madam Chair, I rise today in strong support of H.R. 1560, the Protecting Cyber Networks Act. I would like to first thank Chairman Nunes for his great leadership and collaboration with my committee and Judiciary on this bill, and also the ranking member, Adam Schiff, a good friend as well, for his great work in the direction that this bill has gone. I think it has gone in the right direction. Also I know former Ranking Member Dutch Ruppersberger was here. I want to thank him for his leadership over the many years on this important issue of cybersecurity. Madam Chair, this legislation comes at a critical time of rising cyber threats and attacks on our digital networks. Cyber breaches and attacks are affecting Americans' privacy, security, and prosperity. Individuals are having their most private information compromised. Businesses are seeing their intellectual property stolen and their networks damaged. The Federal Government's sensitive information is being targeted. The country's critical infrastructure is being probed by foreign enemies. Detecting and defending against these digital assaults requires timely and robust information sharing between the public and private sectors. This exchange of data is crucial to connecting the dots, identifying cyber attacks, and shutting them down. The Protecting Cyber Networks Act will enable private companies to share cyber threat information on a voluntary basis with the Federal Government. This bill provides essential liability protection for sharing cyber threat indicators through trusted civilian agency portals. Again, Madam Chair, I commend Chairman Nunes for his important work on this bill and thank him for his great partnership in working together to have these two complementary bills, as tomorrow I will bring to the floor a pro-security, pro-privacy bill, the National Cybersecurity Protection Advancement Act of 2015, which further reinforces the role of the Department of Homeland Security's National Cybersecurity and Communications Integration Center as the hub for cyber threat information sharing. Chairman Nunes and I have worked in lockstep to remove obstacles preventing greater cyber threat information sharing across the private and public sectors. I commend the staff on both sides of the aisle, who have operated in tandem as we crafted these cybersecurity bills. I would also like to acknowledge Chairman Goodlatte for devising the House's standard liability exemption language for this week's cybersecurity bill. These bills represent a unified front in the House for strengthening cybersecurity while ensuring Americans' privacy, and I urge my colleagues to support this measure. Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Chair, it gives me great pleasure to yield 3 minutes to Mr. Himes, one of our subcommittee ranking members on the Intelligence Committee and the Representative from Connecticut. Mr. HIMES. Madam Chairwoman, I would like to thank my friend from California for yielding time and start by saying that I am thrilled to be standing here to urge support for the Protecting Cyber Networks Act. I would like to thank and congratulate Chairman Nunes, Ranking Member Schiff, and the chairman of the subcommittee on which I serve as ranking member, Mr. Westmoreland, for coming together at a time when this Congress is accused, often rightly so, of being dysfunctional to take a very substantial step to secure the networks on which so much of our lives today depend. As ranking member of the Cybersecurity Subcommittee, my daily travels every single day expose me to people who say the single most important thing we as a Congress can do today to advance the security of our networks, to protect Americans, their financial records, their health records and, of course, even more ominously, to protect them against potential attack [[Page H2384]] against our utilities and any sort of thing that our antagonists around the world would seek to do to us, the single most important thing we can do is to do what we are doing today, which is to set up a rubric whereby the very good people within the private sector who focus on this day in and day out can communicate threats to each other and communicate with the experts within the United States Government to work as a team to counter very, very serious threats. This rubric has been set up with ample attention and good attention to the very legitimate privacy claims and the liberties that we all take so seriously. The stakes are high. We saw what happened at Sony. We saw what happened at Anthem. We know all the attacks that have been leveled internationally that destroyed computers. This is the reality that we live with, and this is a very big step, an information-sharing protocol that will counter those who wish us ill. I would note that the privacy protections in this bill are considerably better, as the chairman and ranking member have pointed out, than those that were in the bill of the last Congress. The objections of those who are focused on privacy have been dealt with point by point. And while I won't say that the bill is perfect, this bill does what it needs to do to protect the privacy of the American people by obligating everyone to work hard to scrub personally identifiable information from any code, any information that is exchanged. I have learned in my 6 years here that we don't produce perfection, and it is my hope that as this bill proceeds through the legislative path that we will work even harder to make sure we are very clear about definitions and, in fact, are protecting the privacy rights of Americans as best as we can. But in the meantime we have taken a very big step forward in a bipartisan fashion in a way that will make America, its people, and its networks more secure. For that, I am grateful to the leadership and urge support of the Protecting Cyber Networks Act. Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, I continue to reserve the balance of my time. Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Swalwell), another of our ranking members on the Intelligence Committee and a colleague from California. {time} 1500 Mr. SWALWELL of California. Madam Chair, I want to thank our ranking member and also the chair for bringing forward this bipartisan and necessary legislation. As we speak right now, Americans are under attack, and these attacks are not coming in the form of anything that we have been used to before. People are not kicking down front doors of homes and businesses; instead, they are attacking us through our networks. Our bank accounts, our health care records, our social media accounts, our cell phones, all are being hacked every day. CNN reported that, in 2014, half of the Nation's adults were hacked. The examples are voluminous: 70 million Target customers were hacked; 56 million Home Depot customers were hacked; 4.6 million Snapchat users were hacked. This is Snapchat, which is supposed to be an impenetrable account that allows data to come in and disappear. They were hacked. Hackings are happening every day. Our privacy is under attack. The problem, today, there is virtually zero relationship between private industry and government--private industry, which has about 85 percent of the networks, and government, which has about 15 percent of the networks but has vast resources that can help protect individuals against attacks. Our government has a duty, a responsibility, to protect the American people, and that is what this bill seeks to do. It does it in a number of ways. First and foremost, this is a voluntary program that is being created. No business is required to turn over their breach or hack information to the government; instead, there is a format, a procedure, that is now in place that will incentivize them to work with the government to identify in a way that strips out, through a number of protections, personal identifying information. The first way that it is stripped out is, when the business that has been hacked reports to a civilian agency, they must scrub the personal identifying information; but that is not the only way that that information is scrubbed. Once the government agency receives this personal identifying information, again, before it can be used or forwarded anywhere else in the government, it, again, must be scrubbed--two protections against personal identifying information being used. Now, should any personal identifying information be passed along to the government, this bill provides a right of action, civil recourse for any individual who is wronged to sue the government. There is also an oversight committee, a biannual inspector general report that must be presented to Congress that would report on any privacy violations that occur. Madam Chair, the American people, day after day, are either learning that they have been hacked or someone they know has been hacked. This will continue to have a devastating effect on our economy and, as my colleague from Connecticut alluded to, perhaps our public utilities if we do not act. I urge support of this for my colleagues, and I thank the chairman and the ranking member for the hard work they have done. Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, I continue to reserve the balance of my time. Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Chair, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from Alabama (Ms. Sewell), another one of the ranking members on the Intelligence Committee and a great Member. Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Madam Chair, I would like to thank Ranking Member Adam Schiff, as well as our chair, Chairman Nunes, for your leadership on this matter. Today, I rise in support of H.R. 1560, the Protecting Cyber Networks Act, a bill that I am proud to be an original cosponsor, a bill that was unanimously voted out of our committee, the Intel Committee. Again, I want to commend both the chairman and the ranking member for their leadership. It is an honor to serve on that committee where we really try, on a daily basis, to be bipartisan in our efforts to protect the homeland and to secure our national security. This critical bill is bipartisan legislation, which encourages the private sector to share cyber threat information, which will ultimately help prevent future attacks. It seems like we are always hearing about another company being hit with cyber attacks. These attacks cost our economy billions of dollars each year, and it threatens our national security and jeopardizes every American's sensitive, personal, and financial information. This bill takes a very important step towards addressing this emerging national security threat without compromising the privacy of American citizens. Fostering an environment where companies can voluntarily share information with each other helps American businesses defend themselves against harmful cyber attacks and helps them protect consumer information and privacy. Additionally, two-way information sharing with the Federal Government helps improve the Federal Government's ability to protect all Americans against foreign cyber threats by disseminating vital information in a more timely and efficient manner. I know some continue to criticize this cyber bill and all cyber bills as violating privacy, but I must assure you, Madam Chair, that this bill is a vast improvement over the CISPA bill that was entered and passed this House last term. This bill includes many more privacy protections that weren't in the original bill, the most important of which is the requirement for two scrubs of private information, one by the private sector before sharing that information and one by the government before sharing it further. There is also now a civilian portal--no direct sharing with NSA--a very narrow set of government use provisions, and a clear and legislative prohibition against such surveillance. Let me repeat: no provision of this bill provides any surveillance authorities. I am encouraged by the strong showing of bipartisanship as we work together to address the emerging threats [[Page H2385]] to our national security. I urge my colleagues to join those of us who are members of the Intel Committee, as well as this administration has said that it also encourages a vote in support of this bill. I urge my colleagues to support the efforts and vote ``yes'' on H.R. 1560. Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, at this time, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Trott). Mr. TROTT. Madam Chair, I want to thank the gentleman from California for allowing me to speak in support of this bill. Today, I rise concerned about the need for stronger cybersecurity efforts in our country. We live in a world where personal data flows through the Internet with great speed and data about people is gathered in an instant. The use of social media has opened up our lives to anyone with a computing device, and this is the same world where hackers steal millions of personal records from people in our districts. I would venture to guess that most Members of Congress have been affected by hackers. Internet criminals pose dire threats to our governments on the local, State, and Federal level. The Federal Government has extensive resources to put up a fight, but our local governments and municipalities do not. In response, five southeast Michigan counties--Livingston, Monroe, Oakland, Washtenaw, and Wayne--and the State of Michigan came together to build the Cyber Security Assessment for Everyone. CySAFE, as it is known, provides a strong point for governments to begin assessing their cybersecurity needs and taking steps to respond to attacks. The assessment is a simple Excel download located at www.g2gmarket.com. Madam Chair, I commend these local Michigan governments for committing the resources to develop such a tool. I encourage all of my colleagues to promote the use of CySAFE and to work together to find the right solutions to fight cyber crime, starting with passing H.R. 1560. Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Chair, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Langevin), who is a former member of the Intelligence Committee and one of the Congress' leading experts on cyber matters. Mr. LANGEVIN. Madam Chair, I thank the gentleman for yielding. Madam Chair, this has been a long time in coming. When I served on the Intelligence Committee the past two Congresses, I worked very closely with Chairman Rogers and Ranking Member Ruppersberger on CISPA, and their legacy is very evident in this fine bill. I would, however, like to commend Chairman Nunes and Ranking Member Schiff for rising to the challenge as the new leaders of the House Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence and producing an even better product, particularly with regard to privacy protections. PCNA, as it is known, also provides statutory authorization for the CTIIC, an important new center the President has created to provide comprehensive assessments of cyber threats. This bill before us certainly isn't perfect. The liability protections, while generally narrow, could still be construed to project a company's failure to act on threat indicators. It is important that my friends in this Chamber understand that information sharing is not a silver bullet. There will still be important work to be done to improve our Nation's cyber defenses, but I can say, with great confidence, passing an information-sharing bill will get us significantly closer to being much more secure in cyberspace than where we are right now, particularly when it comes to protecting critical infrastructure. However, after studying this issue for the better part of a decade, I can firmly say that this bill marks a meaningful step forward. Let me, again, congratulate the chairman and the ranking member for continuing with this bipartisan spirit that has long animated the Intelligence Committee's cybersecurity work. I urge my colleagues to support the bill. Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, I reserve the balance of my time. Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Chair, I yield myself such time as I may consume. Every moment we wait equals another Social Security number stolen, another checking account hacked, another invaluable trade secret pilfered, and another job lost. This is certain. We see it every day. Many of us and our constituents, both individuals and businesses, have been the victim of a cyber crime. Whether it is identity theft, the hacking of our email or Facebook accounts, or the loss of our privacy, when our health insurance company is breached, we have our privacy invaded. All of us are certainly paying higher fees to compensate for the billions of dollars our businesses lose to cyber hacking and to the costs of preventing future cyber attacks. The problem is only getting worse. As our cars, our phones, our home security systems, our Internet banking, our electronic health records, our web-based baby monitors all get smarter, they also get more vulnerable. This isn't speculation. This is happening today. It is happening right now. On the time that we have been on the floor discussing this cyber bill, billions of additional hacking attempts have been made. Here, we have the opportunity to help stop this scourge of cyber hacking. We need to encourage cyber threat information sharing by passing the Protecting Cyber Networks Act today and then not resting until it improves on its way to the President's desk for signature. I urge my colleagues to vote for this important measure. It is a bill that will help protect America's most valuable and private information, while itself protecting privacy and civil liberties to a degree far in advance of where prior legislation has gone. I and my colleagues have made sure of that, and we will continue to do so as the bill advances. Madam Chair, I yield back the balance of my time. Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, I yield myself such time as I may consume. I will close by just taking a few moments to thank my ranking member and colleague from California (Mr. Schiff) for his fine work on this product. I also would be remiss not to thank, on both sides of the aisle, the staff that have worked hours and hours and hours to make the legislation from last Congress even better and then, as Mr. McCaul said, to work with the Judiciary Committee and the Homeland Security Committee so that we have a product that I think is much better than the product that we have had in the past. We have been in consultations with the United States Senate. They have passed their bill out of committee. We look forward to, hopefully, their passing a bill off the Senate floor so that we can get to a conference. Madam Chair, I yield back the balance of my time. Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Madam Chair, I rise today to oppose to H.R. 1560, the Protecting Cyber Network Act (PCNA). While I commend Chairman Nunes and Ranking Member Schiff for crafting a bill that improves upon the cybersecurity legislation this body has previously voted on, I cannot support it in its current form. Despite addressing many of the reservations I had when we voted on the Cyber Intelligence Sharing and Protection Act (CISPA) last Congress, I have concerns about the ambiguous liability provisions in this legislation. While companies should have some legal protection, this bill gives liability protections to companies so long as they share or receive information ``in accordance with the Act.'' It would grant immunity to companies for simply putting forth a ``good faith'' effort when reporting security threats and sharing consumer data with the government and other companies. For example, companies would receive liability protection even if they fail to act on threat information in a timely manner. The unintended effect of these murky liability provisions is that companies would not have the same incentive to report security threats and protect their consumers' privacy. I was disappointed that Republicans did not allow a vote on two amendments offered by Rep. Richmond than would have addressed these overbroad liability provisions. Our country faces cyber-network attacks each day which threaten our national security and our economy. I strongly believe that we must take steps to protect against these cyber threats while not sacrificing our privacy and civil liberties. Should this bill pass the House, [[Page H2386]] I hope that many of the loopholes can be resolved with the Senate, but as it stands today I cannot support it. The Acting CHAIR. All time for general debate has expired. Pursuant to the rule, the bill shall be considered for amendment under the 5-minute rule. It shall be in order to consider as an original bill for the purpose of amendment under the 5-minute rule an amendment in the nature of a substitute recommended by the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence printed in the bill. The committee amendment in the nature of a substitute shall be considered as read. The text of the committee amendment in the nature of a substitute is as follows: H.R. 1560 Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE; TABLE OF CONTENTS. (a) Short Title.--This Act may be cited as the ``Protecting Cyber Networks Act''. (b) Table of Contents.--The table of contents of this Act is as follows: Sec. 1. Short title; table of contents. Sec. 2. Sharing of cyber threat indicators and defensive measures by the Federal Government with non-Federal entities. Sec. 3. Authorizations for preventing, detecting, analyzing, and mitigating cybersecurity threats. Sec. 4. Sharing of cyber threat indicators and defensive measures with appropriate Federal entities other than the Department of Defense or the National Security Agency. Sec. 5. Federal Government liability for violations of privacy or civil liberties. Sec. 6. Protection from liability. Sec. 7. Oversight of Government activities. Sec. 8. Report on cybersecurity threats. Sec. 9. Construction and preemption. Sec. 10. Conforming amendments. Sec. 11. Definitions. SEC. 2. SHARING OF CYBER THREAT INDICATORS AND DEFENSIVE MEASURES BY THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT WITH NON- FEDERAL ENTITIES. (a) In General.--Title I of the National Security Act of 1947 (50 U.S.C. 3021 et seq.) is amended by inserting after section 110 (50 U.S.C. 3045) the following new section: ``SEC. 111. SHARING OF CYBER THREAT INDICATORS AND DEFENSIVE MEASURES BY THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT WITH NON- FEDERAL ENTITIES. ``(a) Sharing by the Federal Government.-- ``(1) In general.--Consistent with the protection of classified information, intelligence sources and methods, and privacy and civil liberties, the Director of National Intelligence, in consultation with the heads of the other appropriate Federal entities, shall develop and promulgate procedures to facilitate and promote-- ``(A) the timely sharing of classified cyber threat indicators in the possession of the Federal Government with representatives of relevant non-Federal entities with appropriate security clearances; ``(B) the timely sharing with relevant non-Federal entities of cyber threat indicators in the possession of the Federal Government that may be declassified and shared at an unclassified level; and ``(C) the sharing with non-Federal entities, if appropriate, of information in the possession of the Federal Government about imminent or ongoing cybersecurity threats to such entities to prevent or mitigate adverse impacts from such cybersecurity threats. ``(2) Development of procedures.--The procedures developed and promulgated under paragraph (1) shall-- ``(A) ensure the Federal Government has and maintains the capability to share cyber threat indicators in real time consistent with the protection of classified information; ``(B) incorporate, to the greatest extent practicable, existing processes and existing roles and responsibilities of Federal and non-Federal entities for information sharing by the Federal Government, including sector-specific information sharing and analysis centers; ``(C) include procedures for notifying non-Federal entities that have received a cyber threat indicator from a Federal entity in accordance with this Act that is known or determined to be in error or in contravention of the requirements of this section, the Protecting Cyber Networks Act, or the amendments made by such Act or another provision of Federal law or policy of such error or contravention; ``(D) include requirements for Federal entities receiving a cyber threat indicator or defensive measure to implement appropriate security controls to protect against unauthorized access to, or acquisition of, such cyber threat indicator or defensive measure; ``(E) include procedures that require Federal entities, prior to the sharing of a cyber threat indicator, to-- ``(i) review such cyber threat indicator to assess whether such cyber threat indicator, in contravention of the requirement under section 3(d)(2) of the Protecting Cyber Networks Act, contains any information that such Federal entity knows at the time of sharing to be personal information of or information identifying a specific person not directly related to a cybersecurity threat and remove such information; or ``(ii) implement a technical capability configured to remove or exclude any personal information of or information identifying a specific person not directly related to a cybersecurity threat; and ``(F) include procedures to promote the efficient granting of security clearances to appropriate representatives of non- Federal entities. ``(b) Definitions.--In this section, the terms `appropriate Federal entities', `cyber threat indicator', `defensive measure', `Federal entity', and `non-Federal entity' have the meaning given such terms in section 11 of the Protecting Cyber Networks Act.''. (b) Submittal to Congress.--Not later than 90 days after the date of the enactment of this Act, the Director of National Intelligence, in consultation with the heads of the other appropriate Federal entities, shall submit to Congress the procedures required by section 111(a) of the National Security Act of 1947, as inserted by subsection (a) of this section. (c) Table of Contents Amendment.--The table of contents in the first section of the National Security Act of 1947 is amended by inserting after the item relating to section 110 the following new item: ``Sec. 111. Sharing of cyber threat indicators and defensive measures by the Federal Government with non-Federal entities.''. SEC. 3. AUTHORIZATIONS FOR PREVENTING, DETECTING, ANALYZING, AND MITIGATING CYBERSECURITY THREATS. (a) Authorization for Private-sector Defensive Monitoring.-- (1) In general.--Notwithstanding any other provision of law, a private entity may, for a cybersecurity purpose, monitor-- (A) an information system of such private entity; (B) an information system of a non-Federal entity or a Federal entity, upon the written authorization of such non- Federal entity or such Federal entity; and (C) information that is stored on, processed by, or transiting an information system monitored by the private entity under this paragraph. (2) Construction.--Nothing in this subsection shall be construed to-- (A) authorize the monitoring of an information system, or the use of any information obtained through such monitoring, other than as provided in this Act; (B) authorize the Federal Government to conduct surveillance of any person; or (C) limit otherwise lawful activity. (b) Authorization for Operation of Defensive Measures.-- (1) In general.--Except as provided in paragraph (2) and notwithstanding any other provision of law, a private entity may, for a cybersecurity purpose, operate a defensive measure that is operated on and is limited to-- (A) an information system of such private entity to protect the rights or property of the private entity; and (B) an information system of a non-Federal entity or a Federal entity upon written authorization of such non-Federal entity or such Federal entity for operation of such defensive measure to protect the rights or property of such private entity, such non-Federal entity, or such Federal entity. (2) Limitation.--The authority provided in paragraph (1) does not include the intentional or reckless operation of any defensive measure that destroys, renders unusable or inaccessible (in whole or in part), substantially harms, or initiates a new action, process, or procedure on an information system or information stored on, processed by, or transiting such information system not owned by-- (A) the private entity operating such defensive measure; or (B) a non-Federal entity or a Federal entity that has provided written authorization to that private entity for operation of such defensive measure on the information system or information of the entity in accordance with this subsection. (3) Construction.--Nothing in this subsection shall be construed-- (A) to authorize the use of a defensive measure other than as provided in this subsection; or (B) to limit otherwise lawful activity. (c) Authorization for Sharing or Receiving Cyber Threat Indicators or Defensive Measures.-- (1) In general.--Except as provided in paragraph (2) and notwithstanding any other provision of law, a non-Federal entity may, for a cybersecurity purpose and consistent with the requirement under subsection (d)(2) to remove personal information of or information identifying a specific person not directly related to a cybersecurity threat and the protection of classified information-- (A) share a lawfully obtained cyber threat indicator or defensive measure with any other non-Federal entity or an appropriate Federal entity (other than the Department of Defense or any component of the Department, including the National Security Agency); and (B) receive a cyber threat indicator or defensive measure from any other non-Federal entity or an appropriate Federal entity. (2) Lawful restriction.--A non-Federal entity receiving a cyber threat indicator or defensive measure from another non- Federal entity or a Federal entity shall comply with otherwise lawful restrictions placed on the sharing or use of such cyber threat indicator or defensive measure by the sharing non-Federal entity or Federal entity. (3) Construction.--Nothing in this subsection shall be construed to-- (A) authorize the sharing or receiving of a cyber threat indicator or defensive measure other than as provided in this subsection; (B) authorize the sharing or receiving of classified information by or with any person not authorized to access such classified information; [[Page H2387]] (C) prohibit any Federal entity from engaging in formal or informal technical discussion regarding cyber threat indicators or defensive measures with a non-Federal entity or from providing technical assistance to address vulnerabilities or mitigate threats at the request of such an entity; (D) limit otherwise lawful activity; (E) prohibit a non-Federal entity, if authorized by applicable law or regulation other than this Act, from sharing a cyber threat indicator or defensive measure with the Department of Defense or any component of the Department, including the National Security Agency; or (F) authorize the Federal Government to conduct surveillance of any person. (d) Protection and Use of Information.-- (1) Security of information.--A non-Federal entity monitoring an information system, operating a defensive measure, or providing or receiving a cyber threat indicator or defensive measure under this section shall implement an appropriate security control to protect against unauthorized access to, or acquisition of, such cyber threat indicator or defensive measure. (2) Removal of certain personal information.--A non-Federal entity sharing a cyber threat indicator pursuant to this Act shall, prior to such sharing, take reasonable efforts to-- (A) review such cyber threat indicator to assess whether such cyber threat indicator contains any information that the non-Federal entity reasonably believes at the time of sharing to be personal information of or information identifying a specific person not directly related to a cybersecurity threat and remove such information; or (B) implement a technical capability configured to remove any information contained within such indicator that the non- Federal entity reasonably believes at the time of sharing to be personal information of or information identifying a specific person not directly related to a cybersecurity threat. (3) Use of cyber threat indicators and defensive measures by non-federal entities.--A non-Federal entity may, for a cybersecurity purpose-- (A) use a cyber threat indicator or defensive measure shared or received under this section to monitor or operate a defensive measure on-- (i) an information system of such non-Federal entity; or (ii) an information system of another non-Federal entity or a Federal entity upon the written authorization of that other non-Federal entity or that Federal entity; and (B) otherwise use, retain, and further share such cyber threat indicator or defensive measure subject to-- (i) an otherwise lawful restriction placed by the sharing non-Federal entity or Federal entity on such cyber threat indicator or defensive measure; or (ii) an otherwise applicable provision of law. (4) Use of cyber threat indicators by state, tribal, or local government.-- (A) Law enforcement use.--A State, tribal, or local government may use a cyber threat indicator shared with such State, tribal, or local government for the purposes described in clauses (i), (ii), and (iii) of section 4(d)(5)(A). (B) Exemption from disclosure.--A cyber threat indicator shared with a State, tribal, or local government under this section shall be-- (i) deemed voluntarily shared information; and (ii) exempt from disclosure under any State, tribal, or local law requiring disclosure of information or records, except as otherwise required by applicable State, tribal, or local law requiring disclosure in any criminal prosecution. (e) No Right or Benefit.--The sharing of a cyber threat indicator with a non-Federal entity under this Act shall not create a right or benefit to similar information by such non- Federal entity or any other non-Federal entity. SEC. 4. SHARING OF CYBER THREAT INDICATORS AND DEFENSIVE MEASURES WITH APPROPRIATE FEDERAL ENTITIES OTHER THAN THE DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE OR THE NATIONAL SECURITY AGENCY. (a) Requirement for Policies and Procedures.-- (1) In general.--Section 111 of the National Security Act of 1947, as inserted by section 2 of this Act, is amended-- (A) by redesignating subsection (b) as subsection (c); and (B) by inserting after subsection (a) the following new subsection: ``(b) Policies and Procedures for Sharing With the Appropriate Federal Entities Other Than the Department of Defense or the National Security Agency.-- ``(1) Establishment.--The President shall develop and submit to Congress policies and procedures relating to the receipt of cyber threat indicators and defensive measures by the Federal Government. ``(2) Requirements concerning policies and procedures.--The policies and procedures required under paragraph (1) shall-- ``(A) be developed in accordance with the privacy and civil liberties guidelines required under section 4(b) of the Protecting Cyber Networks Act; ``(B) ensure that-- ``(i) a cyber threat indicator shared by a non-Federal entity with an appropriate Federal entity (other than the Department of Defense or any component of the Department, including the National Security Agency) pursuant to section 3 of such Act is shared in real-time with all of the appropriate Federal entities (including all relevant components thereof); ``(ii) the sharing of such cyber threat indicator with appropriate Federal entities is not subject to any delay, modification, or any other action without good cause that could impede receipt by all of the appropriate Federal entities; and ``(iii) such cyber threat indicator is provided to each other Federal entity to which such cyber threat indicator is relevant; and ``(C) ensure there-- ``(i) is an audit capability; and ``(ii) are appropriate sanctions in place for officers, employees, or agents of a Federal entity who knowingly and willfully use a cyber threat indicator or defense measure shared with the Federal Government by a non-Federal entity under the Protecting Cyber Networks Act other than in accordance with this section and such Act.''. (2) Submission.--The President shall submit to Congress-- (A) not later than 90 days after the date of the enactment of this Act, interim policies and procedures required under section 111(b)(1) of the National Security Act of 1947, as inserted by paragraph (1) of this section; and (B) not later than 180 days after such date, final policies and procedures required under such section 111(b)(1). (b) Privacy and Civil Liberties.-- (1) Guidelines of attorney general.--The Attorney General, in consultation with the heads of the other appropriate Federal agencies and with officers designated under section 1062 of the Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act of 2004 (42 U.S.C. 2000ee-1), shall develop and periodically review guidelines relating to privacy and civil liberties that govern the receipt, retention, use, and dissemination of cyber threat indicators by a Federal entity obtained in accordance with this Act and the amendments made by this Act. (2) Content.--The guidelines developed and reviewed under paragraph (1) shall, consistent with the need to protect information systems from cybersecurity threats and mitigate cybersecurity threats-- (A) limit the impact on privacy and civil liberties of activities by the Federal Government under this Act, including guidelines to ensure that personal information of or information identifying specific persons is properly removed from information received, retained, used, or disseminated by a Federal entity in accordance with this Act or the amendments made by this Act; (B) limit the receipt, retention, use, and dissemination of cyber threat indicators containing personal information of or information identifying specific persons, including by establishing-- (i) a process for the prompt destruction of such information that is known not to be directly related to a use for a cybersecurity purpose; (ii) specific limitations on the length of any period in which a cyber threat indicator may be retained; and (iii) a process to inform recipients that such indicators may only be used for a cybersecurity purpose; (C) include requirements to safeguard cyber threat indicators containing personal information of or identifying specific persons from unauthorized access or acquisition, including appropriate sanctions for activities by officers, employees, or agents of the Federal Government in contravention of such guidelines; (D) include procedures for notifying non-Federal entities and Federal entities if information received pursuant to this section is known or determined by a Federal entity receiving such information not to constitute a cyber threat indicator; (E) be consistent with any other applicable provisions of law and the fair information practice principles set forth in appendix A of the document entitled ``National Strategy for Trusted Identities in Cyberspace'' and published by the President in April, 2011; and (F) include steps that may be needed so that dissemination of cyber threat indicators is consistent with the protection of classified information and other sensitive national security information. (3) Submission.--The Attorney General shall submit to Congress-- (A) not later than 90 days after the date of the enactment of this Act, interim guidelines required under paragraph (1); and (B) not later than 180 days after such date, final guidelines required under such paragraph. (c) National Cyber Threat Intelligence Integration Center.-- (1) Establishment.--Title I of the National Security Act of 1947 (50 U.S.C. 3021 et seq.), as amended by section 2 of this Act, is further amended-- (A) by redesignating section 119B as section 119C; and (B) by inserting after section 119A the following new section: ``SEC. 119B. CYBER THREAT INTELLIGENCE INTEGRATION CENTER. ``(a) Establishment.--There is within the Office of the Director of National Intelligence a Cyber Threat Intelligence Integration Center. ``(b) Director.--There is a Director of the Cyber Threat Intelligence Integration Center, who shall be the head of the Cyber Threat Intelligence Integration Center, and who shall be appointed by the Director of National Intelligence. ``(c) Primary Missions.--The Cyber Threat Intelligence Integration Center shall-- ``(1) serve as the primary organization within the Federal Government for analyzing and integrating all intelligence possessed or acquired by the United States pertaining to cyber threats; ``(2) ensure that appropriate departments and agencies have full access to and receive all-source intelligence support needed to execute the cyber threat intelligence activities of such agencies and to perform independent, alternative analyses; ``(3) disseminate cyber threat analysis to the President, the appropriate departments and agencies of the Federal Government, and the appropriate committees of Congress; [[Page H2388]] ``(4) coordinate cyber threat intelligence activities of the departments and agencies of the Federal Government; and ``(5) conduct strategic cyber threat intelligence planning for the Federal Government. ``(d) Limitations.--The Cyber Threat Intelligence Integration Center shall-- ``(1) have not more than 50 permanent positions; ``(2) in carrying out the primary missions of the Center described in subsection (c), may not augment staffing through detailees, assignees, or core contractor personnel or enter into any personal services contracts to exceed the limitation under paragraph (1); and ``(3) be located in a building owned or operated by an element of the intelligence community as of the date of the enactment of this section.''. (2) Table of contents amendments.--The table of contents in the first section of the National Security Act of 1947, as amended by section 2 of this Act, is further amended by striking the item relating to section 119B and inserting the following new items: ``Sec. 119B. Cyber Threat Intelligence Integration Center. ``Sec. 119C. National intelligence centers.''. (d) Information Shared With or Provided to the Federal Government.-- (1) No waiver of privilege or protection.--The provision of a cyber threat indicator or defensive measure to the Federal Government under this Act shall not constitute a waiver of any applicable privilege or protection provided by law, including trade secret protection. (2) Proprietary information.--Consistent with section 3(c)(2), a cyber threat indicator or defensive measure provided by a non-Federal entity to the Federal Government under this Act shall be considered the commercial, financial, and proprietary information of the non-Federal entity that is the originator of such cyber threat indicator or defensive measure when so designated by such non-Federal entity or a non-Federal entity acting in accordance with the written authorization of the non-Federal entity that is the originator of such cyber threat indicator or defensive measure. (3) Exemption from disclosure.--A cyber threat indicator or defensive measure provided to the Federal Government under this Act shall be-- (A) deemed voluntarily shared information and exempt from disclosure under section 552 of title 5, United States Code, and any State, tribal, or local law requiring disclosure of information or records; and (B) withheld, without discretion, from the public under section 552(b)(3)(B) of title 5, United States Code, and any State, tribal, or local provision of law requiring disclosure of information or records, except as otherwise required by applicable Federal, State, tribal, or local law requiring disclosure in any criminal prosecution. (4) Ex parte communications.--The provision of a cyber threat indicator or defensive measure to the Federal Government under this Act shall not be subject to a rule of any Federal department or agency or any judicial doctrine regarding ex parte communications with a decision-making official. (5) Disclosure, retention, and use.-- (A) Authorized activities.--A cyber threat indicator or defensive measure provided to the Federal Government under this Act may be disclosed to, retained by, and used by, consistent with otherwise applicable provisions of Federal law, any department, agency, component, officer, employee, or agent of the Federal Government solely for-- (i) a cybersecurity purpose; (ii) the purpose of responding to, prosecuting, or otherwise preventing or mitigating a threat of death or serious bodily harm or an offense arising out of such a threat; (iii) the purpose of responding to, or otherwise preventing or mitigating, a serious threat to a minor, including sexual exploitation and threats to physical safety; or (iv) the purpose of preventing, investigating, disrupting, or prosecuting any of the offenses listed in sections 1028, 1029, 1030, and 3559(c)(2)(F) and chapters 37 and 90 of title 18, United States Code. (B) Prohibited activities.--A cyber threat indicator or defensive measure provided to the Federal Government under this Act shall not be disclosed to, retained by, or used by any Federal department or agency for any use not permitted under subparagraph (A). (C) Privacy and civil liberties.--A cyber threat indicator or defensive measure provided to the Federal Government under this Act shall be retained, used, and disseminated by the Federal Government in accordance with-- (i) the policies and procedures relating to the receipt of cyber threat indicators and defensive measures by the Federal Government required by subsection (b) of section 111 of the National Security Act of 1947, as added by subsection (a) of this section; and (ii) the privacy and civil liberties guidelines required by subsection (b). SEC. 5. FEDERAL GOVERNMENT LIABILITY FOR VIOLATIONS OF PRIVACY OR CIVIL LIBERTIES. (a) In General.--If a department or agency of the Federal Government intentionally or willfully violates the privacy and civil liberties guidelines issued by the Attorney General under section 4(b), the United States shall be liable to a person injured by such violation in an amount equal to the sum of-- (1) the actual damages sustained by the person as a result of the violation or $1,000, whichever is greater; and (2) reasonable attorney fees as determined by the court and other litigation costs reasonably incurred in any case under this subsection in which the complainant has substantially prevailed. (b) Venue.--An action to enforce liability created under this section may be brought in the district court of the United States in-- (1) the district in which the complainant resides; (2) the district in which the principal place of business of the complainant is located; (3) the district in which the department or agency of the Federal Government that violated such privacy and civil liberties guidelines is located; or (4) the District of Columbia. (c) Statute of Limitations.--No action shall lie under this subsection unless such action is commenced not later than two years after the date of the violation of the privacy and civil liberties guidelines issued by the Attorney General under section 4(b) that is the basis for the action. (d) Exclusive Cause of Action.--A cause of action under this subsection shall be the exclusive means available to a complainant seeking a remedy for a violation by a department or agency of the Federal Government under this Act. SEC. 6. PROTECTION FROM LIABILITY. (a) Monitoring of Information Systems.--No cause of action shall lie or be maintained in any court against any private entity, and such action shall be promptly dismissed, for the monitoring of an information system and information under section 3(a) that is conducted in good faith in accordance with this Act and the amendments made by this Act. (b) Sharing or Receipt of Cyber Threat Indicators.--No cause of action shall lie or be maintained in any court against any non-Federal entity, and such action shall be promptly dismissed, for the sharing or receipt of a cyber threat indicator or defensive measure under section 3(c), or a good faith failure to act based on such sharing or receipt, if such sharing or receipt is conducted in good faith in accordance with this Act and the amendments made by this Act. (c) Willful Misconduct.-- (1) Rule of construction.--Nothing in this section shall be construed-- (A) to require dismissal of a cause of action against a non-Federal entity (including a private entity) that has engaged in willful misconduct in the course of conducting activities authorized by this Act or the amendments made by this Act; or (B) to undermine or limit the availability of otherwise applicable common law or statutory defenses. (2) Proof of willful misconduct.--In any action claiming that subsection (a) or (b) does not apply due to willful misconduct described in paragraph (1), the plaintiff shall have the burden of proving by clear and convincing evidence the willful misconduct by each non-Federal entity subject to such claim and that such willful misconduct proximately caused injury to the plaintiff. (3) Willful misconduct defined.--In this subsection, the term ``willful misconduct'' means an act or omission that is taken-- (A) intentionally to achieve a wrongful purpose; (B) knowingly without legal or factual justification; and (C) in disregard of a known or obvious risk that is so great as to make it highly probable that the harm will outweigh the benefit. SEC. 7. OVERSIGHT OF GOVERNMENT ACTIVITIES. (a) Biennial Report on Implementation.-- (1) In general.--Section 111 of the National Security Act of 1947, as added by section 2(a) and amended by section 4(a) of this Act, is further amended-- (A) by redesignating subsection (c) (as redesignated by such section 4(a)) as subsection (d); and (B) by inserting after subsection (b) (as inserted by such section 4(a)) the following new subsection: ``(c) Biennial Report on Implementation.-- ``(1) In general.--Not less frequently than once every two years, the Director of National Intelligence, in consultation with the heads of the other appropriate Federal entities, shall submit to Congress a report concerning the implementation of this section and the Protecting Cyber Networks Act. ``(2) Contents.--Each report submitted under paragraph (1) shall include the following: ``(A) An assessment of the sufficiency of the policies, procedures, and guidelines required by this section and section 4 of the Protecting Cyber Networks Act in ensuring that cyber threat indicators are shared effectively and responsibly within the Federal Government. ``(B) An assessment of whether the procedures developed under section 3 of such Act comply with the goals described in subparagraphs (A), (B), and (C) of subsection (a)(1). ``(C) An assessment of whether cyber threat indicators have been properly classified and an accounting of the number of security clearances authorized by the Federal Government for the purposes of this section and such Act. ``(D) A review of the type of cyber threat indicators shared with the Federal Government under this section and such Act, including the following: ``(i) The degree to which such information may impact the privacy and civil liberties of specific persons. ``(ii) A quantitative and qualitative assessment of the impact of the sharing of such cyber threat indicators with the Federal Government on privacy and civil liberties of specific persons. ``(iii) The adequacy of any steps taken by the Federal Government to reduce such impact. ``(E) A review of actions taken by the Federal Government based on cyber threat indicators shared with the Federal Government under this [[Page H2389]] section or such Act, including the appropriateness of any subsequent use or dissemination of such cyber threat indicators by a Federal entity under this section or section 4 of such Act. ``(F) A description of any significant violations of the requirements of this section or such Act by the Federal Government-- ``(i) an assessment of all reports of officers, employees, and agents of the Federal Government misusing information provided to the Federal Government under the Protecting Cyber Networks Act or this section, without regard to whether the misuse was knowing or wilful; and ``(ii) an assessment of all disciplinary actions taken against such officers, employees, and agents. ``(G) A summary of the number and type of non-Federal entities that received classified cyber threat indicators from the Federal Government under this section or such Act and an evaluation of the risks and benefits of sharing such cyber threat indicators. ``(H) An assessment of any personal information of or information identifying a specific person not directly related to a cybersecurity threat that-- ``(i) was shared by a non-Federal entity with the Federal Government under this Act in contravention of section 3(d)(2); or ``(ii) was shared within the Federal Government under this Act in contravention of the guidelines required by section 4(b). ``(3) Recommendations.--Each report submitted under paragraph (1) may include such recommendations as the heads of the appropriate Federal entities may have for improvements or modifications to the authorities and processes under this section or such Act. ``(4) Form of report.--Each report required by paragraph (1) shall be submitted in unclassified form, but may include a classified annex. ``(5) Public availability of reports.--The Director of National Intelligence shall make publicly available the unclassified portion of each report required by paragraph (1).''. (2) Initial report.--The first report required under subsection (c) of section 111 of the National Security Act of 1947, as inserted by paragraph (1) of this subsection, shall be submitted not later than one year after the date of the enactment of this Act. (b) Reports on Privacy and Civil Liberties.-- (1) Biennial report from privacy and civil liberties oversight board.-- (A) In general.--Section 1061(e) of the Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act of 2004 (42 U.S.C. 2000ee(e)) is amended by adding at the end the following new paragraph: ``(3) Biennial report on certain cyber activities.-- ``(A) Report required.--The Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board shall biennially submit to Congress and the President a report containing-- ``(i) an assessment of the privacy and civil liberties impact of the activities carried out under the Protecting Cyber Networks Act and the amendments made by such Act; and ``(ii) an assessment of the sufficiency of the policies, procedures, and guidelines established pursuant to section 4 of the Protecting Cyber Networks Act and the amendments made by such section 4 in addressing privacy and civil liberties concerns. ``(B) Recommendations.--Each report submitted under this paragraph may include such recommendations as the Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board may have for improvements or modifications to the authorities under the Protecting Cyber Networks Act or the amendments made by such Act. ``(C) Form.--Each report required under this paragraph shall be submitted in unclassified form, but may include a classified annex. ``(D) Public availability of reports.--The Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board shall make publicly available the unclassified portion of each report required by subparagraph (A).''. (B) Initial report.--The first report required under paragraph (3) of section 1061(e) of the Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act of 2004 (42 U.S.C. 2000ee(e)), as added by subparagraph (A) of this paragraph, shall be submitted not later than 2 years after the date of the enactment of this Act. (2) Biennial report of inspectors general.-- (A) In general.--Not later than 2 years after the date of the enactment of this Act and not less frequently than once every 2 years thereafter, the Inspector General of the Department of Homeland Security, the Inspector General of the Intelligence Community, the Inspector General of the Department of Justice, and the Inspector General of the Department of Defense, in consultation with the Council of Inspectors General on Financial Oversight, shall jointly submit to Congress a report on the receipt, use, and dissemination of cyber threat indicators and defensive measures that have been shared with Federal entities under this Act and the amendments made by this Act. (B) Contents.--Each report submitted under subparagraph (A) shall include the following: (i) A review of the types of cyber threat indicators shared with Federal entities. (ii) A review of the actions taken by Federal entities as a result of the receipt of such cyber threat indicators. (iii) A list of Federal entities receiving such cyber threat indicators. (iv) A review of the sharing of such cyber threat indicators among Federal entities to identify inappropriate barriers to sharing information. (C) Recommendations.--Each report submitted under this paragraph may include such recommendations as the Inspectors General referred to in subparagraph (A) may have for improvements or modifications to the authorities under this Act or the amendments made by this Act. (D) Form.--Each report required under this paragraph shall be submitted in unclassified form, but may include a classified annex. (E) Public availability of reports.--The Inspector General of the Department of Homeland Security, the Inspector General of the Intelligence Community, the Inspector General of the Department of Justice, and the Inspector General of the Department of Defense shall make publicly available the unclassified portion of each report required under subparagraph (A). SEC. 8. REPORT ON CYBERSECURITY THREATS. (a) Report Required.--Not later than 180 days after the date of the enactment of this Act, the Director of National Intelligence, in consultation with the heads of other appropriate elements of the intelligence community, shall submit to the Select Committee on Intelligence of the Senate and the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence of the House of Representatives a report on cybersecurity threats, including cyber attacks, theft, and data breaches. (b) Contents.--The report required by subsection (a) shall include the following: (1) An assessment of-- (A) the current intelligence sharing and cooperation relationships of the United States with other countries regarding cybersecurity threats (including cyber attacks, theft, and data breaches) directed against the United States that threaten the United States national security interests, economy, and intellectual property; and (B) the relative utility of such relationships, which elements of the intelligence community participate in such relationships, and whether and how such relationships could be improved. (2) A list and an assessment of the countries and non-state actors that are the primary threats of carrying out a cybersecurity threat (including a cyber attack, theft, or data breach) against the United States and that threaten the United States national security, economy, and intellectual property. (3) A description of the extent to which the capabilities of the United States Government to respond to or prevent cybersecurity threats (including cyber attacks, theft, or data breaches) directed against the United States private sector are degraded by a delay in the prompt notification by private entities of such threats or cyber attacks, theft, and breaches. (4) An assessment of additional technologies or capabilities that would enhance the ability of the United States to prevent and to respond to cybersecurity threats (including cyber attacks, theft, and data breaches). (5) An assessment of any technologies or practices utilized by the private sector that could be rapidly fielded to assist the intelligence community in preventing and responding to cybersecurity threats. (c) Form of Report.--The report required by subsection (a) shall be submitted in unclassified form, but may include a classified annex. (d) Public Availability of Report.--The Director of National Intelligence shall make publicly available the unclassified portion of the report required by subsection (a). (e) Intelligence Community Defined.--In this section, the term ``intelligence community'' has the meaning given that term in section 3 of the National Security Act of 1947 (50 U.S.C. 3003). SEC. 9. CONSTRUCTION AND PREEMPTION. (a) Prohibition of Surveillance.--Nothing in this Act or the amendments made by this Act shall be construed to authorize the Department of Defense or the National Security Agency or any other element of the intelligence community to target a person for surveillance. (b) Otherwise Lawful Disclosures.--Nothing in this Act or the amendments made by this Act shall be construed to limit or prohibit-- (1) otherwise lawful disclosures of communications, records, or other information, including reporting of known or suspected criminal activity, by a non-Federal entity to any other non-Federal entity or the Federal Government; or (2) any otherwise lawful use of such disclosures by any entity of the Federal government, without regard to whether such otherwise lawful disclosures duplicate or replicate disclosures made under this Act. (c) Whistle Blower Protections.--Nothing in this Act or the amendments made by this Act shall be construed to prohibit or limit the disclosure of information protected under section 2302(b)(8) of title 5, United States Code (governing disclosures of illegality, waste, fraud, abuse, or public health or safety threats), section 7211 of title 5, United States Code (governing disclosures to Congress), section 1034 of title 10, United States Code (governing disclosure to Congress by members of the military), or any similar provision of Federal or State law.. (d) Protection of Sources and Methods.--Nothing in this Act or the amendments made by this Act shall be construed-- (1) as creating any immunity against, or otherwise affecting, any action brought by the Federal Government, or any department or agency thereof, to enforce any law, executive order, or procedure governing the appropriate handling, disclosure, or use of classified information; (2) to affect the conduct of authorized law enforcement or intelligence activities; or (3) to modify the authority of the President or a department or agency of the Federal Government to protect and control the dissemination of classified information, intelligence sources and methods, and the national security of the United States. (e) Relationship to Other Laws.--Nothing in this Act or the amendments made by this Act shall be construed to affect any requirement under any other provision of law for a non- Federal entity to provide information to the Federal Government. [[Page H2390]] (f) Information Sharing Relationships.--Nothing in this Act or the amendments made by this Act shall be construed-- (1) to limit or modify an existing information-sharing relationship; (2) to prohibit a new information-sharing relationship; or (3) to require a new information-sharing relationship between any non-Federal entity and the Federal Government. (g) Preservation of Contractual Obligations and Rights.-- Nothing in this Act or the amendments made by this Act shall be construed-- (1) to amend, repeal, or supersede any current or future contractual agreement, terms of service agreement, or other contractual relationship between any non-Federal entities, or between any non-Federal entity and a Federal entity; or (2) to abrogate trade secret or intellectual property rights of any non-Federal entity or Federal entity. (h) Anti-tasking Restriction.--Nothing in this Act or the amendments made by this Act shall be construed to permit the Federal Government-- (1) to require a non-Federal entity to provide information to the Federal Government; (2) to condition the sharing of a cyber threat indicator with a non-Federal entity on such non-Federal entity's provision of a cyber threat indicator to the Federal Government; or (3) to condition the award of any Federal grant, contract, or purchase on the provision of a cyber threat indicator to a Federal entity. (i) No Liability for Non-participation.--Nothing in this Act or the amendments made by this Act shall be construed to subject any non-Federal entity to liability for choosing not to engage in a voluntary activiy authorized in this Act and the amendments made by this Act. (j) Use and Retention of Information.--Nothing in this Act or the amendments made by this Act shall be construed to authorize, or to modify any existing authority of, a department or agency of the Federal Government to retain or use any information shared under this Act or the amendments made by this Act for any use other than permitted in this Act or the amendments made by this Act. (k) Federal Preemption.-- (1) In general.--This Act and the amendments made by this Act supersede any statute or other provision of law of a State or political subdivision of a State that restricts or otherwise expressly regulates an activity authorized under this Act or the amendments made by this Act. (2) State law enforcement.--Nothing in this Act or the amendments made by this Act shall be construed to supersede any statute or other provision of law of a State or political subdivision of a State concerning the use of authorized law enforcement practices and procedures. (l) Regulatory Authority.--Nothing in this Act or the amendments made by this Act shall be construed-- (1) to authorize the promulgation of any regulations not specifically authorized by this Act or the amendments made by this Act; (2) to establish any regulatory authority not specifically established under this Act or the amendments made by this Act; or (3) to authorize regulatory actions that would duplicate or conflict with regulatory requirements, mandatory standards, or related processes under another provision of Federal law. SEC. 10. CONFORMING AMENDMENTS. Section 552(b) of title 5, United States Code, is amended-- (1) in paragraph (8), by striking ``or'' at the end; (2) in paragraph (9), by striking ``wells.'' and inserting ``wells; or''; and (3) by inserting after paragraph (9) the following: ``(10) information shared with or provided to the Federal Government pursuant to the Protecting Cyber Networks Act or the amendments made by such Act.''. SEC. 11. DEFINITIONS. In this Act: (1) Agency.--The term ``agency'' has the meaning given the term in section 3502 of title 44, United States Code. (2) Appropriate federal entities.--The term ``appropriate Federal entities'' means the following: (A) The Department of Commerce. (B) The Department of Defense. (C) The Department of Energy. (D) The Department of Homeland Security. (E) The Department of Justice. (F) The Department of the Treasury. (G) The Office of the Director of National Intelligence. (3) Cybersecurity purpose.--The term ``cybersecurity purpose'' means the purpose of protecting (including through the use of a defensive measure) an information system or information that is stored on, processed by, or transiting an information system from a cybersecurity threat or security vulnerability or identifying the source of a cybersecurity threat. (4) Cybersecurity threat.-- (A) In general.--Except as provided in subparagraph (B), the term ``cybersecurity threat'' means an action, not protected by the first amendment to the Constitution of the United States, on or through an information system that may result in an unauthorized effort to adversely impact the security, confidentiality, integrity, or availability of an information system or information that is stored on, processed by, or transiting an information system. (B) Exclusion.--The term ``cybersecurity threat'' does not include any action that solely involves a violation of a consumer term of service or a consumer licensing agreement. (5) Cyber threat indicator.--The term ``cyber threat indicator'' means information or a physical object that is necessary to describe or identify-- (A) malicious reconnaissance, including anomalous patterns of communications that appear to be transmitted for the purpose of gathering technical information related to a cybersecurity threat or security vulnerability; (B) a method of defeating a security control or exploitation of a security vulnerability; (C) a security vulnerability, including anomalous activity that appears to indicate the existence of a security vulnerability; (D) a method of causing a user with legitimate access to an information system or information that is stored on, processed by, or transiting an information system to unwittingly enable the defeat of a security control or exploitation of a security vulnerability; (E) malicious cyber command and control; (F) the actual or potential harm caused by an incident, including a description of the information exfiltrated as a result of a particular cybersecurity threat; or (G) any other attribute of a cybersecurity threat, if disclosure of such attribute is not otherwise prohibited by law. (6) Defensive measure.--The term ``defensive measure'' means an action, device, procedure, technique, or other measure executed on an information system or information that is stored on, processed by, or transiting an information system that prevents or mitigates a known or suspected cybersecurity threat or security vulnerability. (7) Federal entity.--The term ``Federal entity'' means a department or agency of the United States or any component of such department or agency. (8) Information system.--The term ``information system''-- (A) has the meaning given the term in section 3502 of title 44, United States Code; and (B) includes industrial control systems, such as supervisory control and data acquisition systems, distributed control systems, and programmable logic controllers. (9) Local government.--The term ``local government'' means any borough, city, county, parish, town, township, village, or other political subdivision of a State. (10) Malicious cyber command and control.--The term ``malicious cyber command and control'' means a method for unauthorized remote identification of, access to, or use of, an information system or information that is stored on, processed by, or transiting an information system. (11) Malicious reconnaissance.--The term ``malicious reconnaissance'' means a method for actively probing or passively monitoring an information system for the purpose of discerning security vulnerabilities of the information system, if such method is associated with a known or suspected cybersecurity threat. (12) Monitor.--The term ``monitor'' means to acquire, identify, scan, or otherwise possess information that is stored on, processed by, or transiting an information system. (13) Non-federal entity.-- (A) In general.--Except as otherwise provided in this paragraph, the term ``non-Federal entity'' means any private entity, non-Federal government department or agency, or State, tribal, or local government (including a political subdivision, department, officer, employee, or agent thereof). (B) Inclusions.--The term ``non-Federal entity'' includes a government department or agency (including an officer, employee, or agent thereof) of the District of Columbia, the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, the Virgin Islands, Guam, American Samoa, the Northern Mariana Islands, and any other territory or possession of the United States. (C) Exclusion.--The term ``non-Federal entity'' does not include a foreign power or known agent of a foreign power, as both terms are defined in section 101 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978 (50 U.S.C. 1801). (14) Private entity.-- (A) In general.--Except as otherwise provided in this paragraph, the term ``private entity'' means any person or private group, organization, proprietorship, partnership, trust, cooperative, corporation, or other commercial or nonprofit entity, including an officer, employee, or agent thereof. (B) Inclusion.--The term ``private entity'' includes a component of a State, tribal, or local government performing electric utility services. (C) Exclusion.--The term ``private entity'' does not include a foreign power as defined in section 101 of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978 (50 U.S.C. 1801). (15) Real time; real-time.--The terms ``real time'' and ``real-time'' mean a process by which an automated, machine- to-machine system processes cyber threat indicators such that the time in which the occurrence of an event and the reporting or recording of it are as simultaneous as technologically and operationally practicable. (16) Security control.--The term ``security control'' means the management, operational, and technical controls used to protect against an unauthorized effort to adversely impact the security, confidentiality, integrity, and availability of an information system or its information. (17) Security vulnerability.--The term ``security vulnerability'' means any attribute of hardware, software, process, or procedure that could enable or facilitate the defeat of a security control. (18) Tribal.--The term ``tribal'' has the meaning given the term ``Indian tribe'' in section 4 of the Indian Self- Determination and Education Assistance Act (25 U.S.C. 450b). The Acting CHAIR. No amendment to the committee amendment in the nature of a substitute shall be in order except those printed in part A of House [[Page H2391]] Report 114-88. Each such amendment may be offered only in the order printed in the report, by a Member designated in the report, shall be considered read, shall be debatable for the time specified in the report, equally divided and controlled by the proponent and an opponent, shall not be subject to amendment, and shall not be subject to a demand for division of the question. {time} 1515 Amendment No. 1 Offered by Mr. Nunes The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 1 printed in part A of House Report 114-88. Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, I have an amendment at the desk. The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment. The text of the amendment is as follows: Page 5, beginning line 16, strike ``in accordance with'' and insert ``under''. Page 9, line 2, strike ``and is limited to''. Page 9, beginning line 14, strike ``the intentional or reckless operation of any'' and insert ``a''. Page 9, beginning line 17, strike ``substantially harms, or initiates a new action, process, or procedure on'' and insert ``, or substantially harms''. Page 12, beginning line 2, strike ``a non-Federal entity, if authorized by applicable law or regulation other than this Act, from sharing'' and insert ``otherwise lawful sharing by a non-Federal entity of''. Page 14, line 18, insert ``or defensive measure'' before ``shared''. Page 23, line 19, strike ``section 3(c)(2)'' and insert ``this Act''. Page 24, line 15, strike ``section 552(b)(3)(B)'' and insert ``section 552(b)(3)''. Page 25, line 13, insert ``investigating,'' after ``to,''. Page 25, line 18, insert ``investigating, prosecuting,'' after ``to,''. Page 27, line 23, strike ``subsection'' and insert ``section''. Page 27, beginning line 24, strike ``of the violation'' and all that follows through the period on page 28, line 2, and insert the following: ``on which the cause of action arises.''. Page 28, line 4, strike ``subsection'' and insert ``section''. Page 28, line 14, strike ``in good faith''. Page 28, beginning line 22, strike ``in good faith''. Page 33, line 16, insert ``of such Act'' before the semicolon. Page 33, line 19, insert ``of such Act'' before the period. Page 38, line 20, strike ``threats,'' and insert the following: ``threats to the national security and economy of the United States,''. Page 44, line 2, strike ``activiy'' and insert ``activity''. Page 44, after line 23, insert the following: (3) State regulation of utilities.--Except as provided by section 3(d)(4)(B), nothing in this Act or the amendments made by this Act shall be construed to supersede any statute, regulation, or other provision of law of a State or political subdivision of a State relating to the regulation of a private entity performing utility services, except to the extent such statute, regulation, or other provision of law restricts activity authorized under this Act or the amendments made by this Act. Strike section 10. Page 51, line 13, strike ``electric''. The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 212, the gentleman from California (Mr. Nunes) and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California. Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, I offer this amendment to make certain technical changes to the bill. These changes will align several sections of the bill, including the authorization for the use of defensive measures and the liability protections, with the Committee on Homeland Security's bill, H.R. 1731. The amendment also removes a direct amendment to the Freedom of Information Act because the bill already contains a strong exemption of cyber threat information and defensive measures from disclosure. The change does not have a substantive effect on the exemption of cyber threat information from disclosure laws. The changes also reflect feedback we have received from our minority, from the executive branch, from outside groups, and from other committees of Congress. We want to make sure that the bill establishes a workable system for companies and the government to share cyber threat information and defensive measures. I urge Members to support this technical and clarifying amendment, and I reserve the balance of my time. Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Chair, I claim the time in opposition, although I am not opposed to the gentleman's amendment. The Acting CHAIR. Without objection, the gentleman from California is recognized for 5 minutes. There was no objection. Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Chair, the manager's amendment makes mostly technical edits to the bill which advanced out of the Intelligence Committee unanimously. These strong edits came from our close and continuing consultations with outside groups and with the White House. There is still work that remains to be done. In particular, we are going to work, as the bill moves forward, on the liability section. In order to benefit from the liability protection under the current language, it is necessary for companies to strictly comply with the act, which means sharing information only for a cybersecurity purpose and taking reasonable efforts to remove private information before sharing it. I would support making further changes to the bill to make this requirement even more clear. In particular, I think it would be advantageous to strike what is, in my view, an unnecessary section on the rule of construction pertaining to willful misconduct. Striking the rule of construction will help further clarify the intent of the bill, which is that liability protection is only available if a company or other non-Federal entity shares cyber threat information, for a cybersecurity purpose, and only after it takes reasonable steps to remove private information not directly related to the cybersecurity threat. That is the intention of the bill, and I think striking that section will make it more clear. If a company acts unreasonably--let alone recklessly or willfully--in following these requirements, it does not get liability protection, nor should it. That is the right result, and we have to be careful not to create any confusion about there being any immunity for people or for companies acting willfully, recklessly, or even unreasonably in disregarding private information or the requirement that it be extricated. The manager's amendment makes positive technical changes. There are further changes that I would like to see as the bill moves forward. Confusion in any section of the bill, particularly as it pertains to liability, means litigation, and litigation means costs, so I think there is further work for us to do to make it even more clear. In sum, I support the technical and substantive changes made in the manager's amendment, and I urge my colleagues to do the same. I join the chairman in urging support for the manager's amendment. I yield back the balance of my time. Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, as I have no other speakers, I urge my colleagues to support this amendment. I yield back the balance of my time. The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the gentleman from California (Mr. Nunes). The amendment was agreed to. Amendment No. 2 Offered by Mr. Caardenas The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 2 printed in part A of House Report 114-88. Mr. CAARDENAS. Madam Chair, I am here to present my amendment. The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment. The text of the amendment is as follows: Page 15, after line 7, insert the following: (f) Small Business Participation.-- (1) Assistance.--The Administrator of the Small Business Administration shall provide assistance to small businesses and small financial institutions to monitor information and information systems, operate defensive measures, and share and receive cyber threat indicators and defensive measures under this section (2) Report.--Not later than one year after the date of the enactment of this Act, the Administrator of the Small Business Administration shall submit to the President a report on the degree to which small businesses and small financial institutions are able to engage in cyber threat information sharing under this section. Such report shall include the recommendations of the Administrator for improving the ability of such businesses and institutions to engage in cyber threat information sharing and to use shared information to defend their networks. (3) Outreach.--The Federal Government shall conduct outreach to small businesses and small financial institutions to encourage such businesses and institutions to exercise their authority under this section. The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 212, the gentleman [[Page H2392]] from California (Mr. Caardenas) and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California. Mr. CAARDENAS. Madam Chair, I rise today to speak in support of my amendment to H.R. 1560. I applaud the managers of this legislation for all of their hard work. I understand the difficult balance that must be struck in this important debate, and I thank the committee for the opportunity to have my amendment considered today. Madam Chair, this amendment will protect national security by starting from the ground up in protecting our smallest of businesses. Cyber attacks are a real threat to our economy and national security. Hackers will look for the most vulnerable in the supply chain to exploit their security. This is why we must make sure any legislation related to cybersecurity places small businesses at the forefront of our security planning. By doing this, we will be protecting customers and businesses up and down the supply chain, which will defend our economy, as a whole, from being attacked. The amendment will ensure that the SBA will assist small businesses and small financial institutions in participating in the programs under this bill, and it will make sure the Federal Government performs outreach to small businesses and to small financial institutions. This is a commonsense provision that addresses the issues that are critical to ensuring the security of our cyberspace and of our economic well-being now and into the future. Small businesses are increasingly becoming the target of cyber criminals as larger companies increase their protections, so we need to arm them with the information and technical assistance they need to create effective plans to thwart these attacks and intrusions. On a personal note, I once owned a small business myself. I left my bigger, corporate job to start a small business in my local community and employ people I grew up with. Washington is a faraway place for many small businesses in our country. The laws here can seem disconnected. The issues can be brushed off as someone else's problem. That is why it is essential that, today and moving forward on all of these cybersecurity debates, that we make sure we have programs in place to work with and to educate our small businesses and that we understand that, every time one of these small businesses is successfully attacked and breached, it is a possibility that it could go under, losing those local jobs. I think this is a commonsense amendment. I reserve the balance of my time. Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, I claim the time in opposition, although I am not opposed to the amendment. The Acting CHAIR. Without objection, the gentleman from California is recognized for 5 minutes. There was no objection. Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, I want to thank the gentleman from California for bringing forward this thoughtful amendment. He worked closely with the committee to ensure that the language did not disrupt the intent of the bill. I am prepared to accept the amendment. I yield back the balance of my time. Mr. CAARDENAS. Madam Chair, I yield the balance of my time to the gentleman from California (Mr. Schiff). Mr. SCHIFF. I thank the gentleman, my colleague, for yielding. Madam Chair, for a large business, a cyber attack can be costly and damaging. For a small business, a cyber attack can be fatal, wiping out a family's dream or a lifetime of work in a few clicks of a mouse. Small businesses and small financial institutions also don't have the large legal shops that are sometimes necessary to keep up with the latest changes or regulations coming from Washington. That is why I am so pleased that my California colleague offered this important amendment. While I don't expect that any sharing mechanism will ultimately be costly to maintain or to access, there will be some costs, especially in the early stages of implementation, and there will be some new procedures to navigate. This amendment will help put the reach and authority of the Small Business Administration in the service of cybersecurity by having the agency assist in the rollout of cyber threat information sharing. It is an important addition to the bill. I thank the gentleman for raising the issue, and I urge my colleagues to support it. Mr. CAARDENAS. I yield back the balance of my time. The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the gentleman from California (Mr. Caardenas). The amendment was agreed to. Amendment No. 3 Offered by Mr. Carson of Indiana The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 3 printed in part A of House Report 114-88. Mr. CARSON of Indiana. Madam Chair, I have an amendment at the desk. The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment. The text of the amendment is as follows: Page 37, after line 16, insert the following new clause: (v) A review of the current procedures pertaining to the sharing of information, removal procedures for personal information or information identifying a specific person, and any incidents pertaining to the improper treatment of such information. The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 212, the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Carson) and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Indiana. Mr. CARSON of Indiana. Madam Chair, I proudly supported this bill when we marked it in the Intelligence Committee. I am only bringing up this amendment today to address a basic transparency concern raised by my constituents after the markup, that the cybersecurity threat posed to our government, to our businesses, and to our personal information is massive and is growing every day. This bill provides important tools to ensure that the lessons learned from a breach of one company can help strengthen the security of others. As a result, your Social Security and credit card numbers will be better protected. Madam Chair, as someone who opposed CISPA last year, I feel like this iteration is a major first step forward in privacy protection and transparency. I am particularly happy with the robust protections of personally identifiable information. Unlike past iterations, this bill mandates that cyber threat information is scanned and that personal information is removed not once, but twice, before it can be transmitted to other Federal agencies. I am pleased, Madam Chair, that companies will share their cyber threat information with a civilian agency and not directly with the intelligence community. I am also happy that additional limitations are placed on the ways that cyber threat information can be utilized. For all of the benefits of this bill, the American people still-- rightfully so--expect oversight that is consistent and comprehensive. That is what this amendment is all about. It strengthens the oversight of the inspector general's monitoring of this kind of information sharing. Now, with this amendment, the inspector general will oversee and report on the process for information-sharing procedures, for removing personal information, and any incidence in which this information was treated improperly. It will ensure Congress and the public that sharing is happening properly and that the public is being protected. I hope that my good Republican colleagues will support this amendment. I reserve the balance of my time. Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, I claim the time in opposition, although I am not opposed to the amendment. The Acting CHAIR. Without objection, the gentleman from California is recognized for 5 minutes. There was no objection. Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, I want to thank the gentleman. He is a member of the Intelligence Committee and has played a very productive and constructive role. As he said, his constituents have brought these concerns to him. He worked with the ranking member and [[Page H2393]] me, and we are prepared to accept the amendment. I yield back the balance of my time. {time} 1530 Mr. CARSON of Indiana. Madam Chair, I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Schiff), my good friend. Mr. SCHIFF. I thank the gentleman for yielding. Madam Chair, this is Mr. Carson's first year on the committee, and I appreciate his dedicated service and the interest he has taken in oversight of the intelligence community. He brings a background in law enforcement, which is a very welcome addition to our committee, and joins other colleagues with a very similar background. He has worked closely with us to make privacy improvements throughout the process. I support his efforts here again to make a good bill even better. Mr. Carson's amendment would include a requirement to make sure the critical dual privacy scrub is working the way it should. This is very important. It is at the core of our bill and at the core of our efforts to protect privacy. So we must monitor how these requirements are working and support transparent reporting to make sure that they are working as intended. I support the amendment and urge my colleagues to do the same. Mr. CARSON of Indiana. I thank Chairman Nunes and Ranking Member Schiff once again for their support in helping to keep our communities safer, but I still want to thank my Republican colleagues for supporting this amendment, and I thank them for their friendship. As a new member of the committee, Madam Chair, I have greatly appreciated the guidance--bipartisan guidance, if you will. Every Member of this House, Madam Chair, has heard from constituents who are concerned about government surveillance and overreach. After everything we have heard about bulk collection over the last few years, the American people are right to be concerned about new authorities to collect data. As the text plainly and repeatedly states, this is not a surveillance bill. We have protections in place to ensure that the intelligence community cannot collect and utilize your personal data. This amendment simply ensures that Congress and the public get to see this sharing process and see how it works if these protections happen to fail. I urge support for this amendment and the underlying bill. I yield back the balance of my time, Madam Chair. The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Carson). The amendment was agreed to. Amendment No. 4 Offered by Mr. Mulvaney The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 4 printed in part A of House Report 114-88. Mr. MULVANEY. I have an amendment at the desk. The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment. The text of the amendment is as follows: Add at the end the following new section: SEC. 12. SUNSET. This Act and the amendments made by this Act shall terminate on the date that is seven years after the date of the enactment of this Act. The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 212, the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Mulvaney) and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes. The Chair recognizes the gentleman from South Carolina. Mr. MULVANEY. Madam Chair, I thank the chairman of the committee for the opportunity to present the amendment here today. Very briefly, I will talk about the genesis of this amendment, which is very simple, by the way. It adds a 7-year sunset to all the provisions of the bill. Madam Chair, in going through the review of this bill, it occurred to me that this was a really close call. There were folks whom I respect with a great deal of credibility who reached out to me and said: Look, here are the difficulties with this bill and why we should defeat this bill. At the same time, there are a lot of folks for whom I have a great deal of respect and have a great deal of credibility in the industry who also reached out to me and said: Look, this is a very serious problem. Here are the good things in the bill, and here is why you should support it. It is probably not unusual that we have that circumstance before us where it is a close call. We are balancing two very critical things: security--specifically, cybersecurity--on one hand, and privacy, liberty interests, on the other. It is a balancing act that we are called on to do many, many times here in Washington, D.C. As I was going through the bill, taking input from both sides of the argument, it occurred to me: All right, what if we have got it wrong? What if we have the balancing act wrong? Sure, we can go back in and fix it at some point in the future, some indeterminate time in the future; but face it, this is a busy place, with a lot of bills demanding attention on any given day in Congress. Wouldn't it be nice to have something hardwired into the bill that would force Congress at some point in the future to come back and say: Okay. A couple years back, here is what we did on cybersecurity. Is it working? Did we get it right? Is the balance between security and privacy one that is serving both of those very important interests correctly? We sat down to talk amongst some of my colleagues about the amount of time that was necessary. Madam Chair, 7 years is a long time to have a sunset provision in a bill. It came to my attention, though, given the complexities, the complexities of the systems necessary to be put in place in order to implement the programs in the bill, that 7 years was the appropriate level of time. I am glad that we have sunset provisions in other pieces of legislation. I doubt very seriously we would be having serious discussions right now about things as important as the PATRIOT Act if a sunset provision was not hardwired into the bill. Maybe we should consider adding these to every single piece of legislation for just the same reason: to force us from time to time to see if what we thought we were doing several years ago was really as good an idea as we thought it was several years ago. So that was the intention. That is the genesis of this amendment--again, very simple, a 7-year sunset provision. I hope my colleagues will see fit to support it. I reserve the balance of my time. Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, I rise in opposition to this amendment, although I appreciate my colleague's concern. The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from California is recognized for 5 minutes. Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, my friend from South Carolina, I think, is very thoughtful in his approach in wanting sunset provisions in many laws that pass this body, and I think that is correct on major pieces of legislation, especially involving government bureaucracies, the creation of government bureaucracies, and the implementation of regulation. I would just make a few important points that I think this bill is very different because this is a voluntary bill. It is also legislation that, because of the liability protections that are in this bill, if you have a sunset clause in it--and part of the reason why the other amendments that were made out of order and this one was made in order, because it was the longest time, with the 7 years, as the gentleman said--it is tough for a company to design, build, get in the process of preparing how they are going to share this information company to company, and I am afraid that even though this is 7 years, will companies make the investment terms of being willing to actually share? Then, if this expires, what happens with the trial lawyers that would then come after the fact when the Congress doesn't act with information that is sitting out there that no longer has the protections? This is actually why, back when the last version of this legislation was up last Congress, we made several changes since then, and we have many more supporters since that time because of the changes we have made to make sure that we have scrubbed private data, to make sure this doesn't go to any government agency, to make sure that it is voluntary, all of the steps that we have taken. But because of the trial lawyer component and the liability being left open, this is why groups [[Page H2394]] like Heritage, in the last Congress, opposed an amendment just like this. We would like to work with the gentleman and his colleagues on this, but I would ask if he would be willing to maybe work with us in a potential conference or possibly down the road, if it might be appropriate. I hate to oppose this amendment because he is my good friend, but I want to try to see if he might be willing to withdraw and work with us when we get to a conference on a reasonable solution to this. I reserve the balance of my time. Mr. MULVANEY. I will respond in a couple of different ways. Under ordinary circumstances, Madam Chair, I might consider withdrawing the amendment, but I think we are here today under a somewhat extraordinary rule. I do appreciate the chairman's genuineness in his request because we have worked very closely together on other matters in the past. I look forward to working with him on other matters in the future. I consider him to be a good friend and colleague. But because of the nature of the joint rule, if this bill passes and the bill that is being offered by the Homeland Security Committee tomorrow passes as well, my understanding is those two bills will then be merged. I have a similar amendment, Madam Chair, tomorrow to Mr. McCaul's bill, so I am not really sure if even withdrawing at this point would accomplish the necessary end that you seek. I will politely decline your request, and respectfully so. I will point out, my good friend does mention an interesting part of my history here in Washington, D.C. When I offered a similar amendment to, I believe, the PATRIOT Act a couple years back, The Heritage Foundation did oppose it. It always makes me smile, Madam Chair, when I remember going through that conversation with my friends over at The Heritage Foundation, and I had to send them a copy of Ed Feulner's own book. Ed, of course, is one of the founding members of The Heritage Foundation, and the last chapter is an exhortation to please include a sunset provision in every single piece of Federal legislation. Again, that just sort of makes me smile. With all due respect due to the chairman, both as the chair of the committee and a Member of this body and a friend of mine, I will politely decline his request. I yield back the balance of my time. Mr. NUNES. I now yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Farenthold). Mr. FARENTHOLD. I appreciate the chairman yielding time to me, even though I am in support of this amendment. Madam Chair, we need this legislation because our companies, our industries, our government, and even our individual citizens are under attack by foreign cyber hackers, under attack from criminals. We need the cooperation between the government and the private sector, but unfortunately we have seen that well-meaning folks in the government sometimes get a little overzealous in their data collection we don't always see. For instance, section 215 of the PATRIOT Act, we saw in the Snowden revelations that every bit of metadata on phones was being collected. We didn't know that when we passed the PATRIOT Act. Now we have an opportunity to put a backstop in place where we can take a look a few years down the road and make sure this isn't being misinterpreted, not in line with congressional intent, and not in line with the Constitution. This backstop, this sunset, is a critical piece of the bill. The bill is not perfect, but this makes it a whole lot better and gives us a second bite at the apple should things be going wrong. I appreciate your yielding. Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, I am prepared to close. I would just say that I hate to have to oppose this amendment because I think my colleagues are offering it in good faith, with good intentions. However, it is a voluntary program. As I said, cybersecurity is going to continue to be an ever-increasing problem and challenge, and the last thing we want to do is put a backstop in to where companies or private citizens are afraid to share the information with each other because they are afraid of being sued by some trial lawyer down the road. Like I said, I hate to oppose the amendment, but I will have to oppose the amendment and urge my colleagues to vote ``no.'' I yield back the balance of my time. The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Mulvaney). The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the noes appeared to have it. Mr. MULVANEY. Madam Chair, I demand a recorded vote. The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from South Carolina will be postponed. Amendment No. 5 Offered by Ms. Jackson Lee The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 5 printed in part A of House Report 114-88. Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Chair, I have an amendment at the desk. The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment. The text of the amendment is as follows: Add at the end the following: SEC. 12. COMPTROLLER GENERAL REPORT ON REMOVAL OF PERSONAL IDENTIFYING INFORMATION. (a) Report.--Not later than three years after the date of the enactment of this Act, the Comptroller General of the United States shall submit to Congress a report on the actions taken by the Federal Government to remove personal information from cyber threat indicators pursuant to section 4(b). (b) Form.--The report under subsection (a) shall be submitted in unclassified form, but may include a classified annex. The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 212, the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee) and a Member opposed each will control 5 minutes. The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from Texas. {time} 1545 Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Chair, I thank the manager and the chairman and ranking member of the House Intelligence Committee for their service and leadership. I offer this amendment that I believe will answer a question that has been raised by many Members but really has bipartisan support. This amendment is offered as a Jackson Lee-Polis amendment, and the specifics of it say: ``Not later than three years after the date of the enactment of this Act, the Comptroller General of the United States shall submit to Congress a report on the actions taken by the Federal Government to remove personal information from cyber threat indicators pursuant to section 4(b).'' Again, this relates to the concern that many of us will hear over and over again from our constituents. In the world of hacking and mistakes and misdirection and unfairness and terrorism, it is important to secure this Nation and to be able to have the right information. As I serve as a member of the Homeland Security Committee, I believe we have to have information to thwart terrorist acts and protect the homeland. But there is a public benefit to my amendment. This amendment will provide the public assurance from a reliable and trustworthy source that their privacy and civil liberties are not being compromised. We are a State and a Nation born out of the existence of the Bill of Rights. Along with the Constitution, it has framed a democracy, but it has also framed the preciousness of individual rights and privacy. I offer this amendment, again, to emphasize the importance of privacy that is so very important. The Jackson Lee-Polis amendment provides, again, for a Government Accountability Act report to Congress on the actions taken by the Federal Government to remove personal information from data shared through the programs established by this statute. The intent of the report, as indicated, is to provide Congress with information regarding the effectiveness of protecting the privacy of Americans. Again, this amendment would result in the sole external report on the privacy and civil liberties impact of the programs created under this bill. Privacy is of great concern to the American people. I know that because, as we were doing the Patriot Act in the [[Page H2395]] shadow of the heinous acts of 9/11, I will tell you that large voices were raised, particularly out of the Judiciary Committee and in working with the Intelligence Committee, about the issues of privacy. Americans understand that. Privacy is of great concern to the American public. Privacy involves the handling and protection of personal information. And as well, when personal information is improperly accessed, used, or abused, it can cause financial and personal harm to those whose data is involved. Madam Chair, may I ask how much time is remaining? The Acting CHAIR. The gentlewoman from Texas has 2 minutes remaining. Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Chair, I ask my colleagues to support the Jackson Lee amendment. I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Schiff), the distinguished ranking member. Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Chair, I thank the gentlewoman from Texas and the gentleman from Colorado for their amendment, and I am happy to support it. We create a lot of law in this body, and it is absolutely necessary that we establish reporting mechanisms that allow us to measure the effectiveness of the work that we do here. This is an amendment that will do just that. By requiring regular reports on the operation of the sharing mechanism that we are creating today, we can determine whether it is working as intended or whether it needs to be tweaked or changed to be more effective. We must always ensure that the government is fulfilling its obligation under this bill to remove personal information. Again, I want to thank Sheila Jackson Lee, as well as the gentleman from Colorado, for their efforts. I support the amendment. Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Chair, how much time is remaining? The Acting CHAIR. The gentlewoman from Texas has 45 seconds remaining. Ms. JACKSON LEE. Thank you, Madam Chair. Let me quickly say that a report on consumer views on the privacy issue published by the Pew Center found that a majority of adults surveyed felt that their privacy is being challenged along such core dimensions as the security of their personal information and their ability to retain confidentiality. It is for this reason that I believe the Jackson Lee amendment, in conjunction with the underlying legislation, H.R. 1560, will be an added asset to ensure that the personal data, privacy, and civil liberties of Americans are protected. Madam Chair, I offer my thanks to Chairman Nunes, and Ranking Member Schiff for their leadership and work on H.R. 1560. The bipartisan work done by the House Select Committee on Intelligence resulted in H.R. 1560 being brought before the House for consideration. I offer acknowledgement to Congressman Polis in joining me in sponsoring this amendment. The Jackson Lee-Polis Amendment to H.R. 1560 is simple and would improve the bill. Jackson Lee Amendment designated #5 on the list of amendments approved for H.R. 1560: The Jackson Lee-Polis Amendment provides for a Government Accountability Office (GAO) report to Congress on the actions taken by the Federal Government to remove personal information from data shared through the programs established by this statute. The intent of the report is to provide Congress with information regarding the effectiveness of protecting the privacy of Americans. This amendment would result in the sole external report on the privacy and civil liberties impact of the programs created under this bill. Privacy is of great concern to the American public. Privacy involves the handling and protection of personal information that individuals provide in the course of everyday commercial transactions. When personal information is improperly accessed, used, or abused it can cause financial and personal harm to the people whose data is involved. A report on consumer views on their privacy published by the Pew Center found that a majority of adults surveyed felt that their privacy is being challenged along such core dimensions as the security of their personal information and their ability to retain confidentiality. For this reason, the Jackson Lee amendment providing an independent report to the public on how their privacy and civil liberties are treated under the implementation of this bill is important. I ask that my colleagues on both sides of the aisle support this amendment. I ask that the amendment be supported, and I yield back the balance of my time. The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee). The amendment was agreed to. Amendment No. 4 Offered by Mr. Mulvaney The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, the unfinished business is the demand for a recorded vote on the amendment offered by the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Mulvaney) on which further proceedings were postponed and on which the noes prevailed by voice vote. The Clerk will redesignate the amendment. The Clerk redesignated the amendment. Recorded Vote The Acting CHAIR. A recorded vote has been demanded. A recorded vote was ordered. The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 313, noes 110, not voting 8, as follows: [Roll No. 168] AYES--313 Adams Aguilar Allen Amash Ashford Babin Barton Bass Beatty Becerra Bera Beyer Bilirakis Bishop (GA) Bishop (UT) Black Blum Blumenauer Bonamici Bost Boyle, Brendan F. Brady (PA) Brat Bridenstine Brooks (AL) Brown (FL) Brownley (CA) Buchanan Buck Burgess Bustos Butterfield Byrne Capps Capuano Caardenas Carney Carson (IN) Carter (GA) Cartwright Castor (FL) Castro (TX) Chabot Chaffetz Chu, Judy Cicilline Clark (MA) Clarke (NY) Clawson (FL) Clay Cleaver Clyburn Cohen Cole Collins (GA) Connolly Conyers Cooper Costa Courtney Cramer Crowley Cummings Davis (CA) DeFazio DeGette Delaney DeLauro DelBene Denham DeSantis DeSaulnier DesJarlais Deutch Dingell Doggett Doyle, Michael F. Duckworth Duffy Duncan (SC) Duncan (TN) Edwards Ellison Ellmers (NC) Emmer (MN) Engel Eshoo Esty Farenthold Farr Fattah Fitzpatrick Fleischmann Fleming Flores Forbes Fortenberry Foster Foxx Frankel (FL) Franks (AZ) Fudge Gabbard Gallego Garamendi Garrett Gibbs Gibson Gohmert Goodlatte Gosar Gowdy Graham Granger Graves (GA) Graves (LA) Grayson Green, Al Green, Gene Griffith Grijalva Grothman Guinta Gutieerrez Hahn Hanna Harris Heck (WA) Hensarling Herrera Beutler Hice, Jody B. Higgins Himes Hinojosa Honda Hoyer Huelskamp Huffman Huizenga (MI) Hultgren Hunter Hurt (VA) Issa Jackson Lee Jeffries Johnson (GA) Johnson (OH) Johnson, E. B. Jolly Jones Jordan Joyce Kaptur Keating Kelly (IL) Kennedy Kildee Kilmer Kind King (IA) Kline Kuster Labrador LaMalfa Lamborn Langevin Larsen (WA) Larson (CT) Latta Lawrence Lee Levin Lewis Lieu, Ted Lipinski Loebsack Lofgren Loudermilk Love Lowenthal Lowey Lucas Luetkemeyer Lujan Grisham (NM) Lujaan, Ben Ray (NM) Lummis Lynch Maloney, Sean Marchant Massie Matsui McClintock McCollum McDermott McGovern McMorris Rodgers McNerney Meadows Meeks Meng Miller (FL) Mooney (WV) Moore Moulton Mullin Mulvaney Nadler Napolitano Neal Neugebauer Noem Nolan Norcross Nugent O'Rourke Palazzo Pallone Palmer Pascrell Paulsen Payne Pearce Pelosi Perlmutter Perry Peters Peterson Pingree Pitts Pocan Poe (TX) Polis Posey Price (NC) Price, Tom Quigley Rangel Ribble Rice (NY) Rice (SC) Richmond Rigell Roe (TN) Rohrabacher Rokita Ross Rothfus Rouzer Roybal-Allard Ruiz Rush Russell Salmon Saanchez, Linda T. Sanchez, Loretta Sanford Sarbanes Scalise Schakowsky Schiff Schrader Schweikert Scott (VA) Scott, Austin Scott, David Serrano Sessions Sewell (AL) Sherman Sires Slaughter Smith (MO) Smith (NE) Smith (NJ) Smith (TX) Speier Stefanik Stutzman Swalwell (CA) Takai Takano Thompson (CA) Thompson (MS) Thompson (PA) Tipton Titus Tonko Torres Tsongas Van Hollen Vargas Veasey Vela Velaazquez Visclosky Walker Walorski Walz Waters, Maxine Watson Coleman Weber (TX) Webster (FL) Welch [[Page H2396]] Westerman Williams Wilson (FL) Wilson (SC) Wittman Yarmuth Yoder Yoho Zeldin Zinke NOES--110 Abraham Aderholt Amodei Barletta Barr Benishek Bishop (MI) Blackburn Boustany Brooks (IN) Bucshon Calvert Carter (TX) Coffman Collins (NY) Comstock Conaway Cook Costello (PA) Crawford Crenshaw Cuellar Culberson Davis, Danny Davis, Rodney Dent Diaz-Balart Dold Fincher Frelinghuysen Guthrie Hardy Harper Hartzler Heck (NV) Hill Holding Hudson Hurd (TX) Israel Jenkins (KS) Jenkins (WV) Johnson, Sam Katko Kelly (PA) King (NY) Kinzinger (IL) Kirkpatrick Knight Lance LoBiondo Long MacArthur Maloney, Carolyn Marino McCarthy McCaul McHenry McKinley McSally Meehan Messer Mica Miller (MI) Moolenaar Murphy (PA) Newhouse Nunes Pittenger Poliquin Pompeo Ratcliffe Reed Reichert Renacci Roby Rogers (AL) Rogers (KY) Rooney (FL) Ros-Lehtinen Roskam Royce Ruppersberger Ryan (OH) Ryan (WI) Sensenbrenner Shimkus Shuster Simpson Sinema Stewart Stivers Thornberry Tiberi Trott Turner Upton Valadao Wagner Walberg Walden Walters, Mimi Wenstrup Westmoreland Whitfield Womack Woodall Young (AK) Young (IA) Young (IN) NOT VOTING--8 Brady (TX) Curbelo (FL) Graves (MO) Hastings Murphy (FL) Olson Smith (WA) Wasserman Schultz {time} 1620 Messrs. ISRAEL, FINCHER, CALVERT, RYAN of Wisconsin, TURNER, SAM JOHNSON of Texas, Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York, Messrs. ABRAHAM, and RUPPERSBERGER changed their vote from ``aye'' to ``no.'' Ms. ADAMS, Mr. MILLER of Florida, Ms. PELOSI, Mses. EDWARDS, LORETTA SANCHEZ of California, Messrs. ROHRABACHER, CARNEY, ZELDIN, ROSS, RICHMOND, Mses. MATSUI, STEFANIK, Messrs. SIRES, CROWLEY, Mses. SCHAKOWSKY, DeGETTE, TITUS, Messrs. JOYCE, SEAN PATRICK MALONEY of New York, VEASEY, Mses. BROWNLEY of California, LEE, and Mr. PETERSON changed their vote from ``no'' to ``aye.'' So the amendment was agreed to. The result of the vote was announced as above recorded. The Acting CHAIR (Mr. Thompson of Pennsylvania). The question is on the committee amendment in the nature of a substitute, as amended. The amendment was agreed to. The Acting CHAIR. Under the rule, the Committee rises. Accordingly, the Committee rose; and the Speaker pro tempore (Mr. Hultgren) having assumed the chair, Mr. Thompson of Pennsylvania, Acting Chair of the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the Union, reported that that Committee, having had under consideration the bill (H.R. 1560) to improve cybersecurity in the United States through enhanced sharing of information about cybersecurity threats, and for other purposes, and, pursuant to House Resolution 212, he reported the bill back to the House with an amendment adopted in the Committee of the Whole. The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the rule, the previous question is ordered. Is a separate vote demanded on any amendment to the amendment reported from the Committee of the Whole? If not, the question is on the committee amendment in the nature of a substitute, as amended. The amendment was agreed to. The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the engrossment and third reading of the bill. The bill was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time, and was read the third time. Motion to Recommit Miss RICE of New York. Mr. Speaker, I have a motion to recommit at the desk. The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is the gentlewoman opposed to the bill? Miss RICE of New York. I am opposed to it in its current form. The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Clerk will report the motion to recommit. The Clerk read as follows: Miss Rice of New York moves to recommit the bill H.R. 1560 to the Select Committee on Intelligence (Permanent Select) with instructions to report the same back to the House forthwith, with the following amendment: Page 22, line 14, strike ``and''. Page 22, line 16, strike the period and insert a semicolon. Page 22, after line 16, insert the following: ``(6) to prevent a terrorist attack against the United States, ensure that the appropriate departments and agencies of the Federal Government prioritize the sharing of cyber threat indicators regarding known terrorist organizations (including the Islamic State, al Qaeda, al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula, and Boko Haram) with respect to-- ``(A) cyberattacks; ``(B) the recruitment of homegrown terrorists by such terrorist organizations; and ``(C) travel by persons to and from foreign countries in which such terrorist organizations are based or provide training (including Syria, Iraq, Yemen, Afghanistan, and Nigeria); and ``(7) to prevent the intelligence and military capability of the United States from being improperly transferred to any foreign country, terrorist organization, or state sponsor of terrorism, ensure that the appropriate departments and agencies of the Federal Government prioritize the sharing of cyber threat indicators regarding attempts to steal the military technology of the United States by state-sponsored computer hackers from the People's Republic of China and other foreign countries.''. Mr. NUNES (during the reading). Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to dispense with the reading. The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the gentleman from California? There was no objection. The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentlewoman is recognized for 5 minutes in support of her motion. Miss RICE of New York. Mr. Speaker, this is the final amendment to the bill, which will not kill the bill or send it back to committee. If adopted, the bill will immediately proceed to final passage, as amended. Mr. Speaker, the most important job we have is to protect the American homeland and the American people. The threats against our country are ceaseless and constantly evolving, and we too must evolve and adapt in our efforts to maintain the domestic security that the American people have entrusted us to uphold. Passing H.R. 1560 will be a significant step forward in that effort. Our Nation's cyber infrastructure is under attack every single day from hackers, from foreign nations, and from terrorists. I believe H.R. 1560 will strengthen our government's ability to coordinate with companies in the private sector, share intelligence, and respond to these threats, but I also believe the legislation should be stronger. We know that foreign nations and terrorist organizations are actively seeking to steal American military intelligence and technology, and we know that terrorists are using the Internet to spread their poisonous ideology, recruit American citizens to join their ranks, and encourage attacks here in America. Just this week, six Minnesota men were arrested after trying to travel to Syria to join the Islamic State. Last week, authorities arrested an Ohio man who actually trained with a terrorist group in Syria and returned to the U.S., intent on carrying out an attack on our soil. Earlier this month, two women in my home State of New York were arrested for planning to detonate a bomb in New York City. Mr. Speaker, this amendment will help prevent a domestic terror attack by allowing Federal agencies to coordinate and prioritize the sharing of cyber threat intelligence regarding known terrorist organizations like the Islamic State, Boko Haram, al Shabaab, and al Qaeda and its affiliates, groups that use the Internet and social media as a weapon in their efforts to attack the United States and the American people. Likewise, this amendment will direct Federal agencies to prioritize the sharing of intelligence regarding attempts by terrorists and foreign nations to steal American military technology. This amendment will help protect our Nation and the people we serve. I have no doubt that that is the highest priority for my colleagues on both sides of the aisle, so we must also make it a priority to neutralize these threats and do all that we can to thwart the violent ambitions of those who want to do us harm. Again, Mr. Speaker, I believe H.R. 1560 is important legislation that deserves bipartisan support, but I believe this amendment deserves the same. It [[Page H2397]] will make the legislation stronger, make the American people safer, and I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to give it their full support. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time. Mr. NUNES. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the motion to recommit. The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from California is recognized for 5 minutes. Mr. NUNES. Mr. Speaker, this motion to recommit is nothing more than a poison pill designed to destroy the years of work that have gone into crafting this legislation. The bill already does exactly what the motion to recommit purposes. It helps the American people defend themselves against hackers from countries like China, Russia, Iran, North Korea, and other terrorist groups. While we stand here and continue to debate this problem, our country is under attack from hackers who steal our intellectual property, pilfer our personal information, and target our national security interests. I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on the motion to recommit and ``yes'' on final passage. I yield back the balance of my time. The SPEAKER pro tempore. Without objection, the previous question is ordered on the motion to recommit. There was no objection. The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion to recommit. The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that the noes appeared to have it. Recorded Vote Miss RICE of New York. Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote. A recorded vote was ordered. The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 9 of rule XX, this 5- minute vote on the motion to recommit will be followed by a 5-minute vote on the passage of the bill, if ordered. The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 183, noes 239, not voting 9, as follows: [Roll No. 169] AYES--183 Adams Aguilar Ashford Bass Beatty Becerra Bera Beyer Bishop (GA) Blumenauer Bonamici Boyle, Brendan F. Brady (PA) Brown (FL) Brownley (CA) Bustos Butterfield Capps Capuano Caardenas Carney Carson (IN) Cartwright Castor (FL) Castro (TX) Chu, Judy Cicilline Clark (MA) Clarke (NY) Clay Cleaver Clyburn Cohen Connolly Conyers Cooper Costa Courtney Crowley Cuellar Cummings Davis (CA) Davis, Danny DeFazio DeGette Delaney DeLauro DelBene DeSaulnier Deutch Dingell Doggett Doyle, Michael F. Duckworth Edwards Ellison Engel Eshoo Esty Farr Fattah Foster Frankel (FL) Fudge Gabbard Gallego Garamendi Graham Grayson Green, Al Green, Gene Grijalva Gutieerrez Hahn Heck (WA) Higgins Himes Hinojosa Honda Hoyer Huffman Israel Jackson Lee Jeffries Johnson (GA) Johnson, E. B. Kaptur Keating Kelly (IL) Kennedy Kildee Kilmer Kind Kirkpatrick Kuster Langevin Larsen (WA) Larson (CT) Lawrence Lee Levin Lewis Lieu, Ted Lipinski Loebsack Lofgren Lowenthal Lowey Lujan Grisham (NM) Lujaan, Ben Ray (NM) Lynch Maloney, Carolyn Maloney, Sean Matsui McCollum McDermott McGovern McNerney Meeks Meng Moore Moulton Nadler Napolitano Neal Nolan Norcross O'Rourke Pallone Pascrell Payne Pelosi Perlmutter Peters Pingree Pocan Polis Price (NC) Quigley Rangel Rice (NY) Richmond Roybal-Allard Ruiz Ruppersberger Rush Ryan (OH) Saanchez, Linda T. Sanchez, Loretta Sarbanes Schakowsky Schiff Schrader Scott (VA) Scott, David Serrano Sewell (AL) Sherman Sinema Sires Slaughter Speier Swalwell (CA) Takai Takano Thompson (CA) Thompson (MS) Titus Tonko Torres Tsongas Van Hollen Vargas Veasey Vela Velaazquez Visclosky Walz Waters, Maxine Watson Coleman Welch Wilson (FL) Yarmuth NOES--239 Abraham Aderholt Allen Amash Amodei Babin Barletta Barr Barton Benishek Bilirakis Bishop (MI) Bishop (UT) Black Blackburn Blum Bost Boustany Brat Bridenstine Brooks (AL) Brooks (IN) Buchanan Buck Bucshon Burgess Byrne Calvert Carter (GA) Carter (TX) Chabot Chaffetz Clawson (FL) Coffman Cole Collins (GA) Collins (NY) Comstock Conaway Cook Costello (PA) Cramer Crawford Crenshaw Culberson Davis, Rodney Denham Dent DeSantis DesJarlais Diaz-Balart Dold Duffy Duncan (SC) Duncan (TN) Ellmers (NC) Emmer (MN) Farenthold Fincher Fitzpatrick Fleischmann Fleming Flores Forbes Fortenberry Foxx Franks (AZ) Frelinghuysen Garrett Gibbs Gibson Gohmert Goodlatte Gosar Gowdy Granger Graves (GA) Graves (LA) Griffith Grothman Guinta Guthrie Hanna Hardy Harper Harris Hartzler Heck (NV) Hensarling Herrera Beutler Hice, Jody B. Hill Holding Hudson Huelskamp Huizenga (MI) Hultgren Hunter Hurd (TX) Hurt (VA) Issa Jenkins (KS) Jenkins (WV) Johnson (OH) Johnson, Sam Jolly Jones Jordan Joyce Katko Kelly (PA) King (IA) King (NY) Kinzinger (IL) Kline Knight Labrador Lamborn Lance Latta LoBiondo Long Loudermilk Love Lucas Luetkemeyer Lummis MacArthur Marchant Marino Massie McCarthy McCaul McClintock McHenry McKinley McMorris Rodgers McSally Meadows Meehan Messer Mica Miller (FL) Miller (MI) Moolenaar Mooney (WV) Mullin Mulvaney Murphy (PA) Neugebauer Newhouse Noem Nugent Nunes Palazzo Palmer Paulsen Pearce Perry Peterson Pittenger Pitts Poe (TX) Poliquin Pompeo Posey Price, Tom Ratcliffe Reed Reichert Renacci Ribble Rice (SC) Rigell Roby Roe (TN) Rogers (AL) Rogers (KY) Rohrabacher Rokita Rooney (FL) Ros-Lehtinen Roskam Ross Rothfus Rouzer Royce Russell Ryan (WI) Salmon Sanford Scalise Schweikert Scott, Austin Sensenbrenner Sessions Shimkus Shuster Simpson Smith (MO) Smith (NE) Smith (NJ) Smith (TX) Stefanik Stewart Stivers Stutzman Thompson (PA) Thornberry Tiberi Tipton Trott Turner Upton Valadao Wagner Walberg Walden Walker Walorski Walters, Mimi Weber (TX) Webster (FL) Wenstrup Westerman Westmoreland Whitfield Williams Wilson (SC) Wittman Womack Woodall Yoder Yoho Young (AK) Young (IA) Young (IN) Zeldin Zinke NOT VOTING--9 Brady (TX) Curbelo (FL) Graves (MO) Hastings LaMalfa Murphy (FL) Olson Smith (WA) Wasserman Schultz {time} 1635 So the motion to recommit was rejected. The result of the vote was announced as above recorded. The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the passage of the bill. The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that the ayes appeared to have it. Recorded Vote Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote. A recorded vote was ordered. The SPEAKER pro tempore. This is a 5-minute vote. The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 307, noes 116, not voting 8, as follows: [Roll No. 170] AYES--307 Abraham Adams Aderholt Aguilar Allen Amodei Ashford Babin Barletta Barr Beatty Benishek Bera Beyer Bilirakis Bishop (GA) Bishop (MI) Bishop (UT) Black Blackburn Blum Bost Boustany Boyle, Brendan F. Brooks (AL) Brooks (IN) Brown (FL) Brownley (CA) Buck Bucshon Burgess Bustos Butterfield Byrne Calvert Caardenas Carney Carson (IN) Carter (GA) Carter (TX) Castor (FL) Castro (TX) Chabot Chaffetz Clarke (NY) Clay Cleaver Clyburn Coffman Cole Collins (GA) Collins (NY) Comstock Conaway Connolly Cook Cooper Costa Costello (PA) Cramer Crawford Crenshaw Crowley Cuellar Culberson Davis (CA) Davis, Rodney Delaney Denham Dent DeSantis DeSaulnier Diaz-Balart Dingell Dold Duckworth Duffy Duncan (TN) Ellmers (NC) Emmer (MN) Engel Farenthold Farr Fincher Fitzpatrick Fleischmann Flores Forbes Fortenberry Foster Foxx Frankel (FL) Franks (AZ) Frelinghuysen Fudge Gallego Garamendi Gibbs Goodlatte Gowdy Graham Granger Graves (GA) Green, Gene Guthrie Gutieerrez Hanna Hardy Harper Hartzler Heck (NV) Heck (WA) Hensarling Herrera Beutler Higgins Hill Himes Hinojosa Holding Hoyer Hudson Huizenga (MI) Hultgren Hunter Hurd (TX) Hurt (VA) Israel Jackson Lee Jeffries Jenkins (KS) Jenkins (WV) Johnson (OH) Johnson, Sam Jolly Joyce Kaptur Katko [[Page H2398]] Keating Kelly (IL) Kelly (PA) Kennedy Kilmer Kind King (IA) King (NY) Kinzinger (IL) Kirkpatrick Kline Knight Kuster LaMalfa Lamborn Lance Langevin Larsen (WA) Latta Lawrence Levin Lipinski LoBiondo Loebsack Long Love Lowey Lucas Luetkemeyer Lujan Grisham (NM) Lujaan, Ben Ray (NM) MacArthur Maloney, Carolyn Maloney, Sean Marchant Marino McCarthy McCaul McHenry McKinley McMorris Rodgers McNerney McSally Meadows Meehan Meeks Meng Messer Mica Miller (FL) Miller (MI) Moolenaar Moore Moulton Mullin Mulvaney Murphy (PA) Neal Neugebauer Newhouse Noem Norcross Nugent Nunes Palazzo Palmer Pascrell Paulsen Payne Pearce Pelosi Perlmutter Peters Peterson Pittenger Pitts Poliquin Pompeo Price (NC) Price, Tom Quigley Ratcliffe Reed Reichert Renacci Rice (NY) Rice (SC) Richmond Rigell Roby Roe (TN) Rogers (AL) Rogers (KY) Rohrabacher Rokita Rooney (FL) Ros-Lehtinen Roskam Ross Rothfus Rouzer Royce Ruiz Ruppersberger Russell Ryan (WI) Sanchez, Loretta Scalise Schiff Schrader Scott, Austin Scott, David Sensenbrenner Sessions Sewell (AL) Shimkus Shuster Simpson Sinema Sires Smith (MO) Smith (NE) Smith (NJ) Smith (TX) Speier Stefanik Stewart Stivers Swalwell (CA) Takai Thompson (CA) Thompson (MS) Thompson (PA) Thornberry Tiberi Tipton Titus Torres Trott Turner Upton Valadao Vargas Veasey Visclosky Wagner Walberg Walden Walker Walorski Walters, Mimi Weber (TX) Webster (FL) Wenstrup Westerman Westmoreland Whitfield Williams Wilson (FL) Wilson (SC) Wittman Womack Woodall Yoder Yoho Young (AK) Young (IA) Young (IN) Zeldin Zinke NOES--116 Amash Barton Bass Becerra Blumenauer Bonamici Brady (PA) Brat Bridenstine Buchanan Capps Capuano Cartwright Chu, Judy Cicilline Clark (MA) Clawson (FL) Cohen Conyers Courtney Cummings Davis, Danny DeFazio DeGette DeLauro DelBene DesJarlais Deutch Doggett Doyle, Michael F. Duncan (SC) Edwards Ellison Eshoo Esty Fattah Fleming Gabbard Garrett Gibson Gohmert Gosar Graves (LA) Grayson Green, Al Griffith Grijalva Grothman Guinta Hahn Harris Hice, Jody B. Honda Huelskamp Huffman Issa Johnson (GA) Johnson, E. B. Jones Jordan Kildee Labrador Larson (CT) Lee Lewis Lieu, Ted Lofgren Loudermilk Lowenthal Lummis Lynch Massie Matsui McClintock McCollum McDermott McGovern Mooney (WV) Nadler Napolitano Nolan O'Rourke Pallone Perry Pingree Pocan Poe (TX) Polis Posey Rangel Ribble Roybal-Allard Rush Ryan (OH) Salmon Saanchez, Linda T. Sanford Sarbanes Schakowsky Schweikert Scott (VA) Serrano Sherman Slaughter Stutzman Takano Tonko Tsongas Van Hollen Vela Velaazquez Walz Waters, Maxine Watson Coleman Welch Yarmuth NOT VOTING--8 Brady (TX) Curbelo (FL) Graves (MO) Hastings Murphy (FL) Olson Smith (WA) Wasserman Schultz {time} 1642 So the bill was passed. The result of the vote was announced as above recorded. A motion to reconsider was laid on the table. ____________________