[Congressional Record Volume 161, Number 59 (Wednesday, April 22, 2015)]
[House]
[Pages H2368-H2378]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
PROVIDING FOR CONSIDERATION OF H.R. 1560, PROTECTING CYBER NETWORKS
ACT, AND PROVIDING FOR CONSIDERATION OF H.R. 1731, NATIONAL
CYBERSECURITY PROTECTION ADVANCEMENT ACT OF 2015
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, by direction of the Committee on
Rules, I call up House Resolution 212 and ask for its immediate
consideration.
The Clerk read the resolution, as follows:
H. Res. 212
Resolved, That at any time after adoption of this
resolution the Speaker may, pursuant to clause 2(b) of rule
XVIII, declare the House resolved into the Committee of the
Whole House on the state of the Union for consideration of
the bill (H.R. 1560) to improve cybersecurity in the United
States through enhanced sharing of information about
cybersecurity threats, and for other purposes. The first
reading of the bill shall be dispensed with. All points of
order against consideration of the bill are waived. General
debate shall be confined to the bill and shall not exceed one
hour equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking
minority member of the Permanent Select Committee on
Intelligence. After general debate the bill shall be
considered for amendment under the five-minute rule. It shall
be in order to consider as an original bill for the purpose
of amendment under the five-minute rule the amendment in the
nature of a substitute recommended by the Permanent Select
Committee on Intelligence now printed in the bill. The
committee amendment in the nature of a substitute shall be
considered as read. All points of order against the committee
amendment in the nature of a substitute are waived. No
amendment to the committee amendment in the nature of a
substitute shall be in order except those printed in part A
of the report of the Committee on Rules accompanying this
resolution. Each such amendment may be offered only in the
order printed in the report, may be offered only by a Member
designated in the report, shall be considered as read, shall
be debatable for the time specified in the report equally
divided and controlled by the proponent and an opponent,
shall not be subject to amendment, and shall not be subject
to a demand for division of the question in the House or in
the Committee of the Whole. All points of order against such
amendments are waived. At the conclusion of consideration of
the bill for amendment the Committee shall rise and report
the bill to the House with such amendments as may have been
adopted. Any Member may demand a separate vote in the House
on any amendment adopted in the Committee of the Whole to the
bill or to the committee amendment in the nature of a
substitute. The previous question shall be considered as
ordered on the bill and amendments thereto to final passage
without intervening motion except one motion to recommit with
or without instructions.
Sec. 2. At any time after adoption of this resolution the
Speaker may, pursuant to clause 2(b) of rule XVIII, declare
the House resolved into the Committee of the Whole House on
the state of the Union for consideration of the bill (H.R.
1731) to amend the Homeland Security Act of 2002 to enhance
multi-directional sharing of information related to
cybersecurity risks and strengthen privacy and civil
liberties protections, and for other purposes. The first
reading of the bill shall be dispensed with. All points of
order against consideration of the bill are waived. General
debate shall be confined to the bill and amendments specified
in this section and shall not exceed one hour equally divided
and controlled by the chair and ranking minority member of
the Committee on Homeland Security. After general debate the
bill shall be considered for amendment under the five-minute
rule. In lieu of the amendment in the nature of a substitute
recommended by the Committee on Homeland Security now printed
in the bill, it shall be in order to consider as an original
bill for the purpose of amendment under the five-minute rule
an amendment in the nature of a substitute consisting of the
text of Rules Committee Print 114-12. That amendment in the
nature of a substitute shall be considered as read. All
points of order against that amendment in the nature of a
substitute are waived. No amendment to that amendment in the
nature of a substitute shall be in order except those printed
in part B of the report of the Committee on Rules
accompanying this resolution. Each such amendment may be
offered only in the order printed in the report, may be
offered only by a Member designated in the report, shall be
considered as read, shall be debatable for the time specified
in the report equally divided and controlled by the proponent
and an opponent,
[[Page H2369]]
shall not be subject to amendment, and shall not be subject
to a demand for division of the question in the House or in
the Committee of the Whole. All points of order against such
amendments are waived. At the conclusion of consideration of
the bill for amendment the Committee shall rise and report
the bill to the House with such amendments as may have been
adopted. Any Member may demand a separate vote in the House
on any amendment adopted in the Committee of the Whole to the
bill or to the amendment in the nature of a substitute made
in order as original text. The previous question shall be
considered as ordered on the bill and amendments thereto to
final passage without intervening motion except one motion to
recommit with or without instructions.
Sec. 3. (a) In the engrossment of H.R. 1560 the Clerk
shall--
(1) add the text of H.R. 1731, as passed by the House, as
new matter at the end of H.R. 1560;
(2) conform the title of H.R. 1560 to reflect the addition
of H.R. 1731, as passed by the House, to the engrossment;
(3) assign appropriate designations to provisions within
the engrossment; and
(4) conform cross-references and provisions for short
titles within the engrossment.
(b) Upon the addition of the text of H.R. 1731, as passed
by the House, to the engrossment of H.R. 1560, H.R. 1731
shall be laid on the table.
{time} 1230
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Collins) is
recognized for 1 hour.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, for the purpose of debate only,
I yield the customary 30 minutes to the gentleman from Colorado (Mr.
Polis), pending which I yield myself such time as I may consume. During
consideration of this resolution, all time yielded is for the purpose
of debate only.
General Leave
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all
Members have 5 legislative days to revise and extend their remarks and
to include extraneous materials on H. Res. 212, currently under
consideration.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Georgia?
There was no objection.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to bring this rule
forward on behalf of the Rules Committee. It is a rule that respects
the legislative process and reflects the responsibility of Congress to
address a critical deficit in the infrastructure of our Nation.
This rule provides for consideration of both cybersecurity measures
under a structured amendment process. As a result of a thorough and
deliberative committee hearing yesterday evening, there are five
amendments to H.R. 1560 and 11 amendments to H.R. 1731 that this body
will have the opportunity to debate and ultimately vote for or against.
The bipartisan nature of these bills speaks to the critical need for
this legislation. Both bills passed their respective committees with
bipartisan support, and I am hopeful this rule will enjoy similar
overwhelming support.
For each bill, amendments offered by Democrats exceeded those offered
by Republicans. I would like to thank Chairman Nunes and also Chairman
McCaul for their work, both within our conference and across the aisle,
to ultimately bring forward two bills that reflect compromise,
consistency, and a deep understanding of the dangers that cyber attacks
pose every day.
If both bills are adopted, this rule combines the bills and sends
them to the Senate as a package in an effort to work with the other
Chamber, go to conference, and to produce a product that will be signed
into law. This is a fair rule that respects this body, the importance
of this issue, and the legislative process as a whole.
The world has changed greatly since this body last discussed
cybersecurity. The ``Internet of Things'' has created unforeseen risks
and exposed vulnerabilities and defects in the ability of companies to
even simply talk to each other without fear of frivolous litigation.
Our enemy is adapting, growing bolder and more sophisticated. North
Korea, Iran, Russia, and China seek to exploit and devastate our
economic security as a nation and our data security as individuals
through cyber attacks that we cannot adequately anticipate, respond, or
even communicate about.
Foreign governments aren't the only ones who wish to do Americans
harm. Terrorists and criminal enterprises have also recognized that
American companies are crippled by the ambiguity in our law as it
relates to sharing cyber threat information.
The cyber attack surface has expanded. Wearables, connected vehicles,
and embedded devices have made it possible for cyber attacks to
literally be driven into the parking lot or walked through doors.
The traditional ways of responding to cyber threats and recovering
from them are not sufficient to safeguard the data privacy of Americans
and the economic security of our Nation. The scope of these attacks and
devastating damages are increasing as rapidly as the attackers are
themselves.
These bills are not a magic pill. They will not render inoperable the
scores of foreign countries and enterprises that want to see American
exceptionalism brought to its knees; but they do give clear, positive
legal authority to American companies to allow them to protect their
own and to appropriately share cyber threats with other countries and,
in certain cases, Federal agencies.
Let me be clear. These are not surveillance bills. These are not data
collection bills. This is not the PATRIOT Act or FISA. This body will
debate intelligence gathering, collecting, sharing, and using at some
point in the future, but today is not that day.
I know those rightly concerned with government surveillance, like
myself, would like to use this rule for that purpose and the underlying
measures as a platform to debate that, but I urge them to refrain. We
will have that debate.
Today's focus is on the perpetrating of the thousands of cyber
threats American businesses face every single day. Let the attention be
on North Korea. Let it be on Iran. Let it be on the countless enemies
of the United States who want to destroy this Nation. For today, we
speak with a united voice that they will fail.
We declare with one voice that American companies have the right to
protect their own, to protect and defend their own networks, to share
technical information with the appropriate agencies on a voluntary
basis if they so choose.
I thank the Intelligence and Homeland Security Committees and their
staff for their tireless work they have done to ensure that we can
protect our economy, our infrastructure, and our private information.
I know detractors of the legislation may attempt to paint this rule
and underlying measures in a different light, so let's allow the facts
to speak for themselves.
These bills have three key components. First, they provide for
completely voluntary participation by private companies in a program
with positive legal authority. This program allows three kinds of
sharing--private company to private company, government to private
company, and private company to government--but this sharing of
information is limited only to cyber threat indicators.
Second, they require the removal of all unrelated personal
information. It is the technical cyber threat information that is being
shared, zeros and ones. In fact, there is a requirement that both the
government and the private entity remove personally identifiable
information when the information is shared and also when it is
received.
Third, the legislation expressly prohibits the cyber threat
indicators from being used for surveillance.
These bills will benefit all Americans by helping businesses better
protect sensitive information. Attacks against our network often seek
to steal Americans' personal information. This can include credit and
debit card information, medical records, or even Social Security
numbers.
Many of the recent attacks that we have all read about in the news
were specifically aimed at stealing the personal information of
Americans. Cyber attackers are also increasingly targeting small
businesses. In fact, in 2014, 60 percent of all targeted attacks struck
at small- and medium-sized businesses.
The underlying legislation will also help protect American jobs by
protecting the intellectual property of American businesses. It is
estimated that cyber attacks cost Americans roughly 500,000 jobs a
year. Foreign companies often use cyber attacks to target the trade
secrets of U.S. companies and then use the information to produce their
own competing product.
[[Page H2370]]
The threat is real, both to our economic security as a nation and our
personal information as individuals. If we fail to act and pass this
rule and the underlying bills, our Nation and our personal privacy is
more at risk than ever before.
Mr. Speaker, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. POLIS. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from Georgia for
yielding me the customary 30 minutes, and I yield myself such time as I
may consume.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the rule and the underlying
legislation.
Today, the House is convening to debate a matter that we all agree is
critical for our national security, our economic competitiveness, our
prosperity, and the success of our private sector.
The recent cyber attacks on Sony and Anthem are but two prominent
examples of cases in which American businesses or government entities
have come under attack by hackers, among many other instances that
haven't even been reported.
I want to recognize the work that the House Intelligence and Homeland
Security Committees did on these pieces of legislation and their
attempts to address these issues. Unfortunately, in spite of their hard
work and the work of those that went into crafting these two bills, I
regret that they fall short of their goals and would likely do more
harm than good.
Not only do both bills, particularly the Protecting Cyber Networks
Act, raise enormous concerns about inappropriate sharing of personal
information and surveillance on Americans' private lives, but they are
built on the premise that many security experts have warned is
fundamentally flawed, that sharing information with the Federal
Government should be the central focus of our efforts to protect
American cyber networks, rather than simply one aspect to a
multipronged strategy to defeat hackers, foreign and domestic.
Now, before I address the substance of these two bills, I want to
discuss this unusual rule before us and how it treats two bills which
contradict each other in significant ways.
Ordinarily, when two committees share jurisdiction over a matter--in
this case, the Homeland Security Committee and the Intelligence
Committee--they collaborate. One committee handles one portion of the
bill, reports it out; the other committee handles the other portion,
reports it out, and they work together to bring a single piece of
legislation to the floor for Members to debate, amend, and vote for or
against.
This is what happened, for example, with the recent SGR repeal
legislation, which had components under the jurisdiction of no less
than six different committees in this body, but was presented before us
as a single bill.
In this case, however, because there seems to be some kind of turf
war between the Intelligence Committee and the Homeland Security
Committee, we are actually voting on two overlapping bills that, in
several respects, contradict one another.
For instance, the bills have drastically different determinations of
what kind of information may be shared, what purposes the government
may use the information for, and what hacking countermeasures companies
are allowed to take to protect their networks.
Instead of having a meaningful debate on the merits of each bill's
approach, this body, if this rule passes, would forego that, and we
would simply debate and vote on each bill separately, and if they both
pass, the rule directs the Clerk to mesh them together through
something called conforming amendments.
Not only would this leave businesses to wade their way through two
separate, contradictory regulatory schemes, but it leaves it unclear
which bill's provisions would actually prevail in practice and under
which circumstances. It actually would create more uncertainty in the
marketplace, rather than less.
I don't think anybody could reasonably call this an open process. We
shouldn't be depriving our constituents of an open debate on important
issues. The major amendments of this bill that would have restored
privacy, many of which I was a cosponsor, are not even allowed to be
debated on the floor of the House, not for 10 minutes, not for 5
minutes, not even for 1 minute.
My colleagues and I on both sides of the aisle are being denied a
vote on the very amendments that we feel could address the concerns we
have with the cybersecurity legislation and make sure that we keep
American networks safe.
Mr. Speaker, in the 2 years since the NSA's shockingly broad data
collection program PRISM came to light, we have heard from many of our
constituents. The American people want an end to unwarranted
surveillance. They want Congress to restore desperately needed
accountability and transparency to our Nation's often out-of-control
intelligence-gathering apparatus.
It is bewildering to many people that, at the very time the American
people have spoken out that we want more safeguards, instead, we are
bringing forward two bills whose central objective is to facilitate the
flow of more personal information to the Federal Government, when we
continue to put off the question of surveillance reform and bringing an
end to the NSA's bulk data collection without warrants.
It is especially disappointing in light of the fact that several
PATRIOT Act provisions will sunset at the end of next month, giving
Congress a crucial opportunity to reexamine and rein in Federal
surveillance programs.
By putting off that issue and bringing mass information sharing to
the floor, Congress is asking the American people for a blank check.
Congress is saying: Trust the President. No President would allow this
information sharing to infringe on your civil liberties, even though we
have utterly failed to pass a single piece of legislation to end the
privacy abuses that we know have occurred under this administration and
the prior administration.
The problem with these bills is that they go far beyond, and they
open up additional loopholes and potential abuses with regard to
privacy abuses, particularly H.R. 1560, the so-called Protecting Cyber
Networks Act. Both bills open up Americans' private information to
inappropriate scrutiny by the Federal Government.
Now, I expect we will hear proponents of both bills argue at length
that the protections against sharing personal information are
sufficiently robust.
For instance, under both bills, they will cite that cyber threat data
is scrubbed twice for personal information, once by private entities
before they transmit it to the government and once by government
entities before they store the information or share it with anybody
else.
Now, that sounds good, but, unfortunately, the devil is in the
details, and a close reading of the bill shows that there is an
enormous loophole in the information-scrubbing component and that it
fails to offer Americans safeguards for the personal information.
{time} 1245
Under both bills, any Federal entity in receipt of cyber data threat
information may store and share personal information it receives--
unscrubbed information--if they believe that it is related to a
cybersecurity threat.
Now, this standard isn't too vague, considering that information
``related'' to a cybersecurity threat could be interpreted to mean just
about anything, but it is also incredibly broad. It includes an
implicit assumption that Americans' personal information should be
shared, unless Federal officials have information that it is not
related to a cybersecurity threat. In many cases, the burden is to show
that the personal information is not related to a cybersecurity threat
for it to be scrubbed, rather than the other way around.
So, yes, companies and Federal entities are required to scrub the
data for information that can be used to identify a specific person.
But the loophole then calls on them not to remove any personally
identifiable information unless they can show that it is not related to
cybersecurity. Even if there is an off chance that something at some
point might be pertinent to some kind of investigation, it puts
Americans' personal information--without warrants, without due process,
including information about patterns of Internet use, location, content
of online communications--at great risk.
We have seen before that the Federal Government has a poor track
record of
[[Page H2371]]
safeguarding our personal information when they are entrusted with it.
The last thing we should be doing is empowering Federal agencies even
more with a broad discretion to look at personal information unless
there is clear evidence that doing so would combat a cybersecurity
threat.
I introduced, along with my colleagues on both sides of the aisle, a
number of amendments to both bills--one with the gentlewoman from
California, Representative Zoe Lofgren, and one with Representative Zoe
Lofgren and the gentleman from Michigan, Representative Justin Amash--
to impose a higher standard on Federal entities who are entrusted with
this personal information. Our proposal would simply require the
Federal Government to remove personally identifiable information unless
it is directly necessary to identify or mitigate a cybersecurity
threat--the purported purpose of this bill.
These amendments would have imposed no additional burdens on private
companies, but they would have given our Nation's technology companies
and the customers who keep them globally competitive more confidence
that private information shared under these bills would not be
subjected to inappropriate mass scrutiny by the government.
Sadly, our amendments met the same fate as nearly two dozen others
put forth to add in important privacy safeguards.
The potential for abuse of private information under H.R. 1560 is
even more far-reaching. The Homeland Security bill at least makes clear
that the information companies transmit to DHS should be shared
specifically with other agencies that need it to protect critical
infrastructure. But the circumstances under which information can be
shared under the Intelligence bill--and who it can be shared with--are
fuzzier and broader.
Under the approach taken by H.R. 1560, every cyber threat indicator
shared with a civilian agency of the Federal Government is immediately
shared with a host of other government agencies, including the NSA.
This increases the threat to cybersecurity by having repositories of
information replicated across numerous government agencies, creating
additional avenues for attack by malicious hackers. That means that
private sector companies will not be able to participate in the program
and promise their users they will not share information with NSA or
other government agencies unless required by law.
Furthermore, it is true that the Homeland Security bill includes some
troubling provisions that allow the government to use cybersecurity
threat information for criminal investigations unrelated to
cybersecurity. Fortunately, the Rules Committee made in order an
amendment by Representatives John Katko, Zoe Lofgren, and Anna Eshoo
that would address this problem in the Homeland Security bill. I hope
that my colleagues adopt this amendment.
Unfortunately, no such amendment is being considered to address this
issue within the Intelligence bill, H.R. 1560, where the problem
actually runs much deeper. H.R. 1560 permits cyber threat data,
including Americans' private information, that is shared with the
Federal Government to be stored and used for a raft of unrelated
purposes, unconstrained by congressional directive, including
investigations and potential prosecution of crimes completely unrelated
to cybersecurity.
Obviously, all of us want law enforcement agencies to be equipped to
prevent and prosecute violent crime, but the inclusion of these matters
completely unrelated to cybersecurity broadens the scope of the measure
far beyond what it is purported to be: a cybersecurity bill. In fact,
it reduces the focus of our efforts on combating cybersecurity when you
open it up to everything under the sun.
By including a vast array of other reasons the government can invoke
to store and share personal information, the authors of the bill
essentially transformed the information-sharing initiative into a broad
new surveillance program.
Yes. Rather than a cybersecurity measure, effectively, these bills
are a stalking horse for broad new surveillance authority by multiple
agencies of the Federal Government without warrants, without oversight.
H.R. 1560 empowers Federal entities to hold onto any information
about an individual that may be ``related to'' any of the many law
enforcement purposes lumped into the bill. That gives the Federal
Government enormous incentive to retain and scrutinize personal
information, even if it is unrelated to a cybersecurity threat.
The scope of the use authorizations also undermines due process
protections that exist to protect Americans against unwarranted search
and seizure. Private information about a person that was transmitted
warrantlessly to the NSA under a program that was purportedly designed
to combat hackers should not be admissible or used in court against
them on an unrelated offense--not related to cybersecurity, not related
to hacking. It would render all of our due process protections invalid
simply because of the medium of the information that is used with
regard to these matters in this case: Internet and cyber-related
mediums and communications through them.
I joined Representatives Zoe Lofgren, Darrell Issa, and Blake
Farenthold on an amendment to make clear that information sharing may
only be used for the purpose of mitigating cybersecurity threats,
again, the purported purpose of this bill. If the proponents of this
bill are serious about combating cybersecurity, why did the Rules
Committee deny Members the opportunity to limit the provisions of this
bill to cybersecurity rather than a whole host of unrelated offenses?
I also joined the gentleman from Kansas, Representative Kevin Yoder,
to sponsor an amendment to address a longstanding due process issue
that has plagued our Nation's legal system and our privacy rights.
While the government is required to get a warrant if it wants to
search through a person's physical mail, it is not required to get a
warrant to search through somebody's old emails, provided the emails
are older than 6 months. That contradiction and loophole was based on a
1986 law that was written before most people knew what email was.
Representative Yoder and I sponsor a bipartisan bill that has 261
cosponsors, and yet when we offered a provision on this bill, we were
not given a chance to vote on it and pass it in spite of the grave due
process implications that the underlying legislation has.
In addition to these privacy and due process concerns, I am alarmed
by the prospect that H.R. 1560 will actually invite attempts by both
private and public entities to deliberately weaken the integrity of
software systems in the name of cybersecurity.
H.R. 1560, for instance, authorizes companies to deploy
countermeasures that are called defensive measures in the form of hack
backs that would otherwise be illegal. A countermeasure operated on one
network should never cause harm to another that is prohibited by the
Federal antihacking statute, the Computer Fraud and Abuse Act. But that
is precisely what can happen when a company places malware on its own
network, because if that data gets stolen along with other valuable
data, it can harm or lead to unauthorized or backdoor access of other
proprietary networks or information.
The gentleman from Virginia, Representative Gerry Connolly, put
forward two amendments to address this issue in a very thoughtful
manner. Regrettably, neither one will be allowed to be debated or
receive a vote on the floor of the House unless we can defeat this
rule.
Furthermore, both bills present the risk that Federal entities will
use the threat information they receive from private companies to
circumvent the security protections safeguarding those same private
companies' information systems, effectively creating their own back
doors which could later be exploited by malicious hackers.
As a matter of routine, our intelligence apparatus already demands
that private companies include defects in their encryption system for
the purported purpose of conducting backdoor surveillance. Today's
legislation only makes it easier for the NSA to find and exploit more
of these back doors and, therefore, easier--not harder--for hackers to
find and exploit these very same security weaknesses.
[[Page H2372]]
Once again, Representative Lofgren put forward an amendment that
would actually improve cybersecurity by making it clear that Federal
entities could not use data obtained through information sharing to
demand that private entities create new encryption weaknesses to enable
backdoor hacking. Sadly, once again, her amendment will not be heard on
the floor of the House, and this bill will encourage and allow
additional venues for the illicit hacking it purports to combat.
Mr. Speaker, I don't doubt the intentions and the goals of my
colleagues on the Intelligence and Homeland Security Committees, but
these bills simply represent a step backwards rather than a step
forward, present risks on too many fronts, from privacy, to due
process, to the threats that they add to the integrity of the very
networks that these bills are designed to safeguard.
In addition, the bills' focus on information sharing negates an
important conversation about more important mechanisms Congress should
be looking at to protect cyber systems, mechanisms that are not as
fraught with risks to our civil liberties and are more effective at
protecting our networks. We should be doing more, for instance, to
educate businesses and governments about basic network security.
Even here in Congress, we have seen evidence of how woefully lacking
even elementary knowledge about cyber threats is. Helping businesses
prevent cyber attacks doesn't have to mean that the government vacuums
up endless amounts of personal data about how individual Americans are
using the Internet and their personal communications.
In fact, if we stop allowing the NSA to demand that U.S. businesses
deliberately weaken their own networks for the purpose of government
surveillance, that, in itself, would be a big step forward to
strengthening our national cybersecurity.
Sadly, today's rule doesn't even allow for a debate or for a vote on
the most significant concerns surrounding this legislation and denies
Members the opportunity to consider changes that would address the
issues that we have raised and improve cybersecurity under this bill.
For these reasons, I hope my colleagues join me in opposing the rule
and the underlying legislation.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, again, I want to focus this
debate. There are many things my friend from Colorado brought up that
will be debated, that are coming up, I think, as early, frankly, as
tomorrow in some committees and will be debated on this floor. This is
about sharing. This is about information protection.
And with that, I am pleased to yield 3 minutes to the distinguished
gentleman from New York (Mr. King), who is a member of both the
Homeland Security and the Intelligence Committees. He is the chairman
of the Homeland Subcommittee on Counterterrorism, and he is also the
former chairman of the full committee.
Mr. KING of New York. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in strong support of the rule and also of the
underlying bills, H.R. 1731 and H.R. 1560.
As was pointed out, I am the only Member of Congress who is on the
Homeland Security Committee and the Intelligence Committee; and I was
able to both take part and also to observe closely the extent to which
the gentleman from Texas, Chairman McCaul, and the gentleman from
California, Chairman Nunes, worked with Members on both sides of the
aisle, worked with privacy groups, worked with Federal officials,
government officials, and administration officials to try to make this
as bipartisan a bill as possible, to ensure that privacy would be
protected, but also to ensure that everything possible can be done to
protect our Nation against cyber intrusions.
Now, every day there are attacks upon our infrastructure. The
critical infrastructure--mostly in private hands--is being targeted;
and Federal networks, databases that are vital to our national
security, are under assault every second of every day.
Cyberterrorism, whether it is carried out by a nation-state, such as
Iran or Russia or China, or carried out by terrorist organizations,
such as ISIS or al Qaeda, is extremely damaging and threatening to our
national security; and it is essential that we, especially since so
much of our critical infrastructure is in the hands of the private
sector, allow for sharing, that we allow companies to share information
with the government, that there is mutual sharing with the government,
with the private sector, so that these companies can do it without fear
of being sued, without fear of liability--they act in good faith; they
do what has to be done.
Every measure that was put in there--I know the gentleman from
Colorado disagrees, but every measure is in there to ensure that
individual rights will not be violated, that privacy will not be
violated. And again, we have to look at, for instance, if the gentleman
from Colorado is wrong, what this could mean to our country, how this
could devastate--devastate--our infrastructure, devastate our national
security, devastate our financial system.
So again, this was not something that was rushed into. And when you
have both bills passing out of committee with, as far as I recall, not
one dissenting vote--not that everyone was in full agreement with the
bills. But the fact is this is probably as close to a consensus as you
can come in the Halls of Congress on such a critical and, in some ways,
such a controversial issue, to find that type of unanimity on the two
committees that deal with this most significantly.
{time} 1300
H.R. 1731 is the Homeland Security Committee bill that allows this
information to be shared. The port will be the Department of Homeland
Security, and that was done, again, working with privacy groups and
working with those who are concerned with civil liberties, at the same
time working with those who realize how absolutely essential to our
security passage of this legislation is and how we have to have this
type of cooperation, this type of sharing, this information sharing,
and being done with the government and with the private sector working
together to combat these enemies which can come at us from all
directions. Again, every second of every day these attacks are being
attempted and carried out.
That is the crisis that faces us as a nation. It is not as obvious as
a bomb going off in Times Square, and it is not as obvious as a bomb
going off at the Boston Marathon, but it is just as critical.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield the gentleman an
additional 1 minute.
Mr. KING of New York. It is just as critical and just as vital, in
some ways more so, in that the ultimate result could be so devastating
to our Nation.
So, Mr. Speaker, I would ask, again, passage of the rule, which I
believe is obviously essential, but also passage of the underlying
bills because, again, our Congress has been criticized, with some
validity, for not being able to work together and for not being able to
get things done. But to have such a vital, controversial issue as this,
to have both committees who deal with it most closely, to have them
come together, all the effort and work that went into it, to have them
come together to come up with this package of legislation, this shows
Congress works. It shows we take this issue seriously, and it means we
are going to go forward in all we can to combat terrorism in all its
forms. Right now, probably the most lethal are the cybersecurity
attacks being made on us.
Mr. Speaker, I urge strong support of the rule and the underlying
bill.
Mr. POLIS. Mr. Speaker, I would just add that demanding that private
companies deliberately include defects in their own encryption systems
for the purpose of allowing the NSA to conduct backdoor surveillance
only increases the risk of our cybersecurity networks rather than
decreases it, which is exactly what the bill does.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the distinguished gentleman from
Mississippi (Mr. Thompson), the ranking member of the Committee on
Homeland Security.
Mr. THOMPSON of Mississippi. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman from
Colorado for yielding the time.
Mr. Speaker, though I support H.R. 1731, the National Cybersecurity
Protection Advancement Act, as approved by voice vote in my committee,
I rise to express my disappointment with the rule.
[[Page H2373]]
Yesterday the White House announced support for House passage of H.R.
1731 but said that ``improvements to the bill are needed to ensure that
its liability protections are appropriately targeted to encourage
responsible cybersecurity practices.'' The White House was referring to
the language that was inserted at the direction of the Judiciary
majority.
Instead of providing a targeted safe harbor for companies to share
timely cyber threat information, it establishes an unduly complicated
legal framework that runs the risk of providing liability relief to
companies that act negligently. Moreover, it explicitly immunizes
companies from not acting on timely cyber information. This language
runs counter to the fundamental goal of the legislation: to get
companies timely, actionable information to use to protect their
networks.
Yet when H.R. 1731 is considered tomorrow, Members will not be
allowed to vote on a single amendment to fix the liability provision
that the White House has called ``sweeping'' and said may weaken
cybersecurity overall. Remarkably, none of the seven amendments that
were filed to fix it are being allowed.
I would also like to register my disappointment that the rule calls
for H.R. 1731, upon passage, to be attached to the Intelligence
Committee bill. From my conversation with Members, I know that there is
a great deal of support for authorizing cyber information sharing with
the Federal civilian lead, the Department of Homeland Security. As
such, I would argue that the rule should have called for H.R. 1560 to
be folded into our bill.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. At this point, Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to
yield 1 minute to the distinguished gentleman from California (Mr.
Issa), the chairman of the Judiciary Committee's Subcommittee on
Courts, Intellectual Property, and the Internet.
Mr. ISSA. Mr. Speaker, I thank the gentleman.
Mr. Speaker, I will be supporting the rule, but not without
trepidation. I will be opposing the underlying bill, but not without
regret. The underlying bill could have done what we wanted it to do. It
could have allowed for the exchange of information while protecting
individuals' privacy. It could have limited that information to
preventing a cyberterrorist attack. But, in fact, amendments that were
offered on a bipartisan basis, a number of them, that could have
limited this would have, in fact, allowed us to have the confidence
that this information would be used only for what it was intended.
Mr. Speaker, since 9/11, the government has begun to know more and
more about what we are doing, who we are, where we live, where we
sleep, whom we love, whom we do business with, and where we travel. And
we have known less and less. Just a few days ago, the Ninth Circuit in
northern California had to rule that the government had to turn over
information in a usable format. It took a Federal court order to do so.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield the gentleman an
additional 1 minute.
Mr. ISSA. I thank the gentleman.
Mr. Speaker, this bill should mandate our knowing more and the
government not knowing. It should have ensured that the government only
had what it needed. It should have protected private companies who
wanted to exchange appropriate information between each other. It
should not have created a vast treasure trove here in Washington or
somewhere in the hinterland where the government now and in the future
can dig in for any purpose--criminal background investigations or
perhaps simply checking to see if you paid your taxes. The fact is,
this is a data vault that is not narrowly construed, and, therefore,
sadly, without the amendments that were not allowed, I am not in a
position to vote for this bill. I thank the chairman, and I thank Mr.
Polis for his kind remarks also.
Mr. POLIS. Mr. Speaker, if we defeat the previous question, we will
offer an amendment to the rule that will allow the House to consider
the Department of Veterans Affairs Cybersecurity Protection Act.
Mr. Speaker, I yield 2 minutes to the gentlewoman from Arizona (Mrs.
Kirkpatrick) to discuss our proposal.
Mrs. KIRKPATRICK. Mr. Speaker, I thank my colleague for giving me a
couple of minutes to talk about the importance of protecting our
veterans from cyber attack.
Mr. Speaker, I rise in support of H.R. 1128, the Department of
Veterans Affairs Cyber Security Protection Act. My bill will protect
veterans' personal and sensitive information from cyber attacks without
compromising the VA's ability to provide the health care, benefits, and
services our veterans have earned.
This legislation will do primarily three things. First, it will
require the VA to develop an information security strategic plan that
protects current veterans' information and anticipates future
cybersecurity threats. Second, it mandates a report on VA actions to
hold employees accountable for data breaches. Third, it requires the VA
to propose a reorganization of the VA's information-security
infrastructure to protect veterans and provide greater levels of
accountability and responsibility in the VA.
My bill will also require the VA to report employee violations of its
policy and report any incidents involving the compromise of veterans'
personal information by the VA or from outside cyber attacks.
Mr. Speaker, this bill is one commonsense way that we can hold the VA
accountable and protect veterans' private and personal information from
cyber threats, and I urge all of my colleagues to support H.R. 1128.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, at this time I am pleased to
yield 5 minutes to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Carter), a member of
the Homeland Security Committee and a colleague of mine from Georgia.
Mr. CARTER of Georgia. I thank the gentleman.
Mr. Speaker, national cybersecurity will be an issue this House will
have to constantly address for the foreseeable future. To achieve a
system that will protect our Nation's citizens and its infrastructure,
we must create a public-private partnership between Federal agencies
and American businesses. This partnership will allow Federal agencies
and American businesses to share cyber threat information,
vulnerabilities within our cyber network, and the creation of new
systems to protect consumer information. However, private businesses
need to be provided protections and incentives to ensure they are
protected from government abuse and private legal proceedings meant to
gain access to private security information.
Mr. Speaker, one of our top priorities with these two bills should be
to clearly acknowledge protections given to companies that engage in
penetration testing and clearly state that company proprietary
information is protected from nefarious legal proceedings and exempted
from Freedom of Information Act requests. It is reasonable to think
that individuals would actively pursue this sort of proprietary
information for the sole purpose of accessing the vulnerabilities of
private cyber networks if we do not clearly state that this information
is protected and exempt from those actions.
I believe we should consider these possibilities and ensure that
protections are provided so our country and its citizens can fully
benefit from these laws.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Will the gentleman yield?
Mr. CARTER of Georgia. I yield to the gentleman.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. I want to thank my colleague from Georgia who
sits on the Homeland Security Committee for his passion and his
commitment to addressing these critical defects in the laws governing
this voluntary sharing of cyber threat information. The legislation
before us today is good policy reflective of the hard work of the
committees on which you sit, Homeland Security and the Intelligence
Committee, as well as input from a vast array of stakeholders. It is
important to know that the legislation is supported by every sector of
the economy.
As my friend so eloquently noted, the legislative process will
rightly continue after these bills are considered by the full House
this week and for years to come as we revisit and reassess the needs of
Americans' privacy and also the laws governing cybersecurity.
[[Page H2374]]
Mr. Speaker, I agree with my friend that if there is a conference
committee on this bill, we should encourage them to seek additional
clarification language as needed to ensure that companies are
appropriately incentivized to share cyber threat information.
I just want to say personally that I appreciate all the hard work
that you have done on this issue bringing this forward and continuing
to work for not only the companies in Georgia but across this Nation
who depend on a safe and secure cyber network.
Mr. POLIS. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself the balance of my time.
Mr. Speaker, it is ironic that on this very day, leaders on the
Judiciary Committee will introduce legislation designed to reform and
rein in the Federal Government's surveillance programs. I haven't had
the opportunity to review those bills yet, so I can't speak to their
merits. But I hope that if it is a strong bill, it will make its way
through both Chambers and become law.
But, today, this body is considering a rule that would take us in the
wrong direction. Recent history has shown that this body shares the
American people's concerns that we don't take the threat of unwarranted
surveillance seriously enough and that Congress needs to pass
meaningful reforms that balance our liberties, our freedoms, and our
privacy with the need to keep America safe.
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell introduced legislation
yesterday that would extend the NSA's surveillance program without any
of the reforms that many of us on both sides of the aisle have
advocated to rein them in. This is despite the national outcry and,
indeed, international embarrassment that has been counterproductive to
the very American security goals that these provisions are designed to
advance.
This makes me fear that Congress is not learning from the mistakes of
the past, mistakes of overly broad surveillance authorities, but
instead is about to repeat them. So before we approve faster, broader,
and easier sharing of vast amounts of personal information from
innocent Americans with the Federal Government, Congress should be
taking up legislation to prove that we have the ability to curb abuse
and the Federal Government's penchant for abusing its access to this
kind of data.
So far Congress has not shown its aptitude for preventing this kind
of abuse. Yet today we ask the American people to trust us, to trust
the President, yet again, by opening up even more information to the
NSA and other surveillance agencies.
Our experience with the NSA has shown us that to protect American
civil liberties from an overzealous surveillance apparatus, the
authorities to review and share Americans' personal information need to
be construed as narrowly, as unambiguously, and as specifically as
possible by the United States Congress. We need to limit very
specifically to a specific set of circumstances under which sharing
data and information is necessary for mitigating a security threat.
We offered to do that through bipartisan amendments, working with
Representative Lofgren, Representative Issa, and others, but none of
those amendments are allowed to be discussed or debated under this
rule.
Both the Protecting Cyber Networks Act and the National Cybersecurity
Protection Advancement Act fall well short of the standard--and in the
case of the Protecting Cyber Networks Act can even be counterproductive
and falls woefully short.
{time} 1315
These pieces of legislation would enable Federal agencies to store
and share Americans' private information, such as Internet usage
patterns, even the content of online communications, based on a vague
or broad standard that doing so is not unrelated to a cybersecurity
threat.
Again, not affirmatively, they don't have to prove that it is related
to a cybersecurity threat; the burden of proof is to show that it is
not unrelated to a cybersecurity threat. How can you demonstrably show
that about anything?
It would make it easier for government agencies to deliberately
weaken software systems for the purpose of creating new surveillance
back doors that foreign nation-states and hackers can presumably also
exploit.
It would leave the door wide open to more NSA surveillance by
allowing the sharing of personal information for a raft of purposes
unrelated to cybersecurity. We can do better.
By rejecting this rule, Members of Congress will show that, yes, we
take cybersecurity seriously, so seriously that we want to take the
time to get it right. Whether that takes another week or 2 weeks or 3
weeks, getting it right means allowing Members of this body input into
the formulation of the final bill meaningfully through the kinds of
amendments that have been rejected outright under this rule without
discussion, without debate, without a vote.
Unfortunately, the rule before us today denies us the ability to
consider amendments that would have addressed many of the concerns with
the bill.
Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent to insert the text of the
amendment in the Record, along with extraneous material, immediately
prior to the vote on the previous question.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from Colorado?
There was no objection.
Mr. POLIS. Mr. Speaker, I urge my colleagues on both sides of the
aisle to vote ``no'' and defeat the previous question.
I urge a ``no'' vote on this bizarre rule that combines two, at
times, contradictory bills and rejects bipartisan amendments that would
have addressed the concerns that many of us have with the underlying
legislation.
I urge a ``no'' vote on the previous question and the rule.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield myself such time as I
may consume.
As we move forward, I think one of the things--and there are many
things that are going to be discussed, and I encourage all Members to
vote for this rule. As we move into general debate, there will be a lot
of discussion that talks about what we are moving forward; but, also, I
want to bring forward that we are--as is seemingly not discussed
bringing forth, there are amendments being brought forth on both of
these bills.
There also were 20-something amendments in Homeland Security; there
was also an amendment in Intelligence. These are vetted bills. This is
a proper role with what we are doing in Congress in bringing these to
the floor.
Are there times that someone may want others? Yes; but, at this
point, we are going to have that debate here on the floor. That is why
voting for this rule and moving this forward is the proper thing to do.
Before we also move back from this, I want to talk about this need
and why we are here even to start with. Most Americans recognize and
understand that the growing attacks against our cyber networks and
critical infrastructure and our laws fail to provide proper legal
authority for information regarding cyber threats to be shared.
In fact, when I am back home in the Ninth District of Georgia
discussing this, most people don't realize there is this barrier, and
especially everything that is going on, they don't understand why some
of these impediments were put into place that keeps companies from
protecting their own, but also protecting their own personal
information.
One of the things that is missing in this debate is the discussion of
what has actually happened and the personal information that is shared
by these hackers who are getting into our system.
Some of the latest attacks perpetrated by North Korea and other
criminal enterprises on Sony Pictures and health insurance providers
Anthem and Blue Cross Blue Shield speak to the type of attacks that
occur on a daily basis that target the backbone of American business
and the privacy of America's most sensitive data.
As we look to constrain this, as we look to put in proper safeguards,
we have to realize that doing nothing exposes more and more of our
American citizens to personal information being shared. If we don't
believe it, just read the headlines from Sony, Anthem, and these others
that have come out recently.
According to the Department of Homeland Security, in 2014 alone, they
[[Page H2375]]
received almost 100,000 cyber incident reports and detected 64,000
cyber vulnerabilities, and these numbers are just based on information
given to DHS and does not reflect the full scope of the attacks on our
Nation.
When we look at this and we talk about the personal information, the
FBI Director James Comey said:
There are two kinds of big companies in the United States.
There are those who have been hacked . . . and those who
don't know they have been hacked.
A recent survey by the Ponemon Institute showed an average cost of a
cyber crime for U.S. retail stores more than doubled from 2013 to an
annual average of 8.6 million per company in 2014.
The annual average cost for a company of a successful cyber attack in
2014 increased to 20.8 million in financial services, 14.5 million in
the technology sector, and 12.7 million in the communications industry.
The scope of many attacks are not fully known. For example, in July
of 2014, the U.S. Computer Emergency Readiness Team issued an advisory
that more than 1,000 U.S. businesses have been affected by the Backoff
malware, which targets point-of-sale systems used by most retail
industries. These attacks targeted administrative and customer data
and, in many cases, financial data. Most companies encounter multiple
cyber attacks every day, many unknown to the public and many unknown to
the companies themselves even.
Again, as we look back over the attacks of just the past year, Target
announced an additional 70 million individual contact information was
taken during the December 2013 breach in which 40 million customers'
credit and debit information was stolen.
Between May 2013 and January 2014, the payment cards of 2.6 million
Michaels customers were affected. Attackers targeted the Michaels POS
system to gain access to their systems.
The email service Yahoo! Mail was reportedly hacked in for 273
million users, although the specific number of accounts affected was
not released.
For 2 weeks, AT&T was hacked from the inside by personnel who
accessed user information, including Social Security information.
Foreign nationals from China have been indicted for computer hacking
and economic espionage. We have seen these attacks all over the board.
Looking at this, the real issue that comes to mind is if we sit back
and are not productive and not proactive as the Intelligence Committee
and the Homeland Security Committee have been here, we are putting in
danger more personal information being exposed in ways that no American
needs to have their personal information exposed and are being targeted
in the process.
This is good legislation that needs to stay on the floor, and that is
why we are here today to support this rule and to look forward to that
debate that has already happened and will continue to happen.
I appreciate the discussion we have had over the past hour. Although
we may have some differences, our unity should be clear against the
cyber attacks and our resolve to prevent them and show their success is
strong.
This rule provides for ample debate on the floor, the opportunity to
debate and to vote on 16 amendments, and a smooth and deliberative
process for sending one bill to the Senate. These bills will help
protect American consumers, jobs, and small businesses.
Allowing companies, again, to voluntarily share cyber threat
indicators with other companies and government agencies will help bring
awareness to new threats and vulnerabilities.
If businesses can learn about a new threat from another business or
from the government before they are targeted themselves, they can
better act to protect their customers' personal information from a
similar attack.
I would like to thank Intel, Homeland Security, Judiciary, and Rules
Committee members and staff for the thoughtful and involved processes
that have brought us to this point.
I urge my colleagues to support the rule and these two cybersecurity
bills.
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Mr. Speaker, I rise to speak on the Rule governing
debate on H.R. 1731 and H.R. 1560.
I support the Rule for H.R. 1731 and H.R. 1569 because it: 1.
provides for consideration of important improvements to both bills; 2.
makes clear the role of the Department of Homeland Security in securing
civil government networks; and 3. the responsibilities of DHS in assist
private sector entities in improving overall cybersecurity for
themselves and their customers.
The bipartisan process that the Homeland Security Committee followed
through the leadership of Chairman McCaul and Ranking Member Thompson
is an example of what can be accomplished when partisanship is removed
from the policymaking equation.
I would also like to thank Chairman Sessions and Ranking Member
Slaughter as well as members of the Rules Committee for making 4 of my
amendments in order.
I join my colleagues in the work to secure our nation's
cybersecurity, while preserving the privacy and civil liberties of our
citizens.
The road to today began in 2011, when President Obama took several
steps to move the issue of cybersecurity to the forefront by: 1.
releasing a cybersecurity legislative proposal; 2. calling on Congress
to take urgent action to give the private sector and government the
tools needed to combat cyber threats at home and abroad; and 3. issuing
the International Strategy for Cyberspace to make clear to nations
abroad that the United States was firmly committed to improving
cybersecurity and combating cyber terrorism.
I will be offering several amendments as the two bills are
considered.
The Jackson Lee amendments are simple and will improve the privacy
protections already in the bills and allow the Department of Homeland
Security to become a better partner with the private sector in its work
to improve domestic cybersecurity.
One of the Jackson Lee amendments that will be offered to the both
bills will improve privacy and civil liberties by providing the public
with a report from the Government Accountability Office that their
privacy and civil liberties are not being compromised by the programs
established by this bill.
Other Jackson Lee Amendments to H.R. 1731 will include an assurance
that DHS's remains current on innovations: 1. on data security that can
improve privacy and civil liberties protections; 2. in industrial
control systems to keep pace with industry adoption of new
technologies; and industry best practices; and 3. that can aid DHS in
aligning federally funded cybersecurity research and development with
private sector efforts to protect privacy and civil liberties.
These amendments will make sure that technology and equipment
purchased with taxpayer dollars provided to ensure cybersecurity will
remain current and focused on real-world applications that reflect
constitutional values and how businesses and industry function.
An important building block for improving the Nation's cybersecurity
is ensuring that private entities can collaborate to share timely cyber
threat information with each other and the Federal Government.
The Administration is expressing concerns with H.R. 1560's broad
liability protections offered to companies that sharing information
with federal government programs established under this bill.
Appropriate liability protections should be established that
incentivize good cybersecurity practices and would not grant immunity
to a private company for failing to act on information it receives
about the security of its networks.
The important component of cybersecurity is that computer network
owners and managers will act to improve cyber defense of their systems
when provided with information that vulnerabilities in their computer
networks exist.
Legislation should not provide incentives for companies not to act
when presented with evidence of network cyber security vulnerabilities.
Electronic data breaches involving Sony, Target, Home Depot, Neiman
Marcus, JPMorgan Chase, and Athem are only a few of the cyber incidents
that have plagued private sector networks.
These data breaches also are a reminder that the Internet is not yet
what it must become to continue to meet the remote communication needs
of a global marketplace.
As with other threats this nation has faced in the past and overcome
we must create the resources and the institutional responses to protect
our nation while preserving our liberties and freedoms.
We cannot accomplish the task of better cybersecurity without the
cooperation and full support of citizens; the private sector; local
state and federal government; computing research community; and
academia.
This level of cooperation requires the trust and confidence of the
American people that the actions taken by government to combat cyber
threats will not threaten our way of life nor our hard fought
Constitutional rights.
H.R. 1731 makes clear that the Department of Homeland Security will
be the federal government agency responsible for securing civilian
government networks and supporting voluntary efforts by private sector
companies and institutions to improve coordination and response to
cyber security threats.
[[Page H2376]]
The issues regarding liability protection related to cybersecurity
must be addressed in order for H.R. 1560 and H.R. 1731 to have any
chance of succeeding.
It is my understanding that Chairman McCaul and Ranking Member
Thompson have reached agreement on language that addresses concerns
that have been raised regarding liability.
There are talented and resourceful people outside and inside of
government who can inform Congress on approaches to information sharing
that will yield the desired results without compromising privacy or
civil liberties.
Mr. RICHMOND. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the Rule for H.R.
1560 and H.R. 1731. Members from both parties have a shared goal of
bolstering cybersecurity and improving the quality of information that
the private sector receives about timely cyber threats so that they can
protect their systems. I am greatly disappointed that the Rules
Committee failed to make in order any of the several amendments
submitted by both Democrats and Republicans to refine what the White
House has called ``sweeping'' liability protections, as they appear in
both cyber information sharing bills to be considered this week.
Extending liability protection to a company that ``fails to act'' on
timely threat information could encourage companies to simply do
nothing despite receiving information critical to the security of its
systems. Appropriate liability protection does not grant immunity to
companies for failing to act on such cybersecurity threat information,
but rather incentivizes sound cybersecurity practices. The provision
also effectively preempts state laws--including those in California,
Massachusetts, and Maryland--that hold businesses liable for failing to
maintain reasonable security of their systems, thereby undermining
important protections for consumers and their sensitive data.
Instead, my Democratic colleagues on the Homeland Security Committee
and I support President Obama's straightforward, tailored approach to
addressing what some in industry have identified as a major barrier to
the sharing of cyber threat information--the risk that sharing such
information would expose companies to legal liability. Unfortunately,
the liability protection provision included in the bill puts in place
an unduly complicated structure that runs the risk of providing
liability relief to companies that fail to act on timely cyber
information. I submitted two amendments to address the liability
protection problems that exist in both information sharing bills to be
considered this week. The first would have struck the provision
immunizing companies that fail to act on timely threat information and
clarified that the Act has no impact on a duty to act on shared
cybersecurity threat information. The second would have removed all
potential liability exemptions for willful misconduct by government
actors.
These provisions would have improved both bills greatly, and at a
minimum they deserved to be debated on the House floor today. The
effectiveness of information sharing legislation and efforts to improve
the security of companies' systems depends on getting liability
protection right. I look forward to continuing the discussion on
liability protection with Members from both sides of the aisle as the
bill moves forward.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, House Report 114-88, the report
to accompany H. Res. 212, the special rule governing consideration of
H.R. 1731, does not reflect a request by Mr. Mulvaney of South Carolina
to add Mr. Thompson of Mississippi as a cosponsor of his amendment,
number 8 printed in part B of the report.
The material previously referred to by Mr. Polis is as follows:
An Amendment to H. Res. 212 Offered by Mr. Polis of Colorado
At the end of the resolution, add the following new
sections:
Sec. 4. Immediately upon adoption of this resolution the
Speaker shall, pursuant to clause 2(b) of rule XVIII, declare
the House resolved into the Committee of the Whole House on
the state of the Union for consideration of the bill (H.R.
1128) to amend title 38, United States Code, to make certain
improvements in the information security of the Department of
Veterans Affairs, and for other purposes. General debate
shall be confined to the bill and shall not exceed one hour
equally divided and controlled by the chair and ranking
minority member of the Committee on Veterans' Affairs. After
general debate the bill shall be considered for amendment
under the five-minute rule. All points of order against
provisions in the bill are waived. At the conclusion of
consideration of the bill for amendment the Committee shall
rise and report the bill to the House with such amendments as
may have been adopted. The previous question shall be
considered as ordered on the bill and amendments thereto to
final passage without intervening motion except one motion to
recommit with or without instructions. If the Committee of
the Whole rises and reports that it has come to no resolution
on the bill, then on the next legislative day the House
shall, immediately after the third daily order of business
under clause 1 of rule XIV, resolve into the Committee of the
Whole for further consideration of the bill.
Sec. 5. Clause 1(c) of rule XIX shall not apply to the
consideration of H.R. 1128.
____
The Vote on the Previous Question: What It Really Means
This vote, the vote on whether to order the previous
question on a special rule, is not merely a procedural vote.
A vote against ordering the previous question is a vote
against the Republican majority agenda and a vote to allow
the Democratic minority to offer an alternative plan. It is a
vote about what the House should be debating.
Mr. Clarence Cannon's Precedents of the House of
Representatives (VI, 308-311), describes the vote on the
previous question on the rule as ``a motion to direct or
control the consideration of the subject before the House
being made by the Member in charge.'' To defeat the previous
question is to give the opposition a chance to decide the
subject before the House. Cannon cites the Speaker's ruling
of January 13, 1920, to the effect that ``the refusal of the
House to sustain the demand for the previous question passes
the control of the resolution to the opposition'' in order to
offer an amendment. On March 15, 1909, a member of the
majority party offered a rule resolution. The House defeated
the previous question and a member of the opposition rose to
a parliamentary inquiry, asking who was entitled to
recognition. Speaker Joseph G. Cannon (R-Illinois) said:
``The previous question having been refused, the gentleman
from New York, Mr. Fitzgerald, who had asked the gentleman to
yield to him for an amendment, is entitled to the first
recognition.''
The Republican majority may say ``the vote on the previous
question is simply a vote on whether to proceed to an
immediate vote on adopting the resolution . . . [and] has no
substantive legislative or policy implications whatsoever.''
But that is not what they have always said. Listen to the
Republican Leadership Manual on the Legislative Process in
the United States House of Representatives, (6th edition,
page 135). Here's how the Republicans describe the previous
question vote in their own manual: ``Although it is generally
not possible to amend the rule because the majority Member
controlling the time will not yield for the purpose of
offering an amendment, the same result may be achieved by
voting down the previous question on the rule. . . . When the
motion for the previous question is defeated, control of the
time passes to the Member who led the opposition to ordering
the previous question. That Member, because he then controls
the time, may offer an amendment to the rule, or yield for
the purpose of amendment.''
In Deschler's Procedure in the U.S. House of
Representatives, the subchapter titled ``Amending Special
Rules'' states: ``a refusal to order the previous question on
such a rule [a special rule reported from the Committee on
Rules] opens the resolution to amendment and further
debate.'' (Chapter 21, section 21.2) Section 21.3 continues:
``Upon rejection of the motion for the previous question on a
resolution reported from the Committee on Rules, control
shifts to the Member leading the opposition to the previous
question, who may offer a proper amendment or motion and who
controls the time for debate thereon.''
Clearly, the vote on the previous question on a rule does
have substantive policy implications. It is one of the only
available tools for those who oppose the Republican
majority's agenda and allows those with alternative views the
opportunity to offer an alternative plan.
Mr. COLLINS of Georgia. Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my
time, and I move the previous question on the resolution.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Marchant). The question is on ordering
the previous question.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Mr. POLIS. Mr. Speaker, on that I demand the yeas and nays.
The yeas and nays were ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 9 of rule XX, the Chair
will reduce to 5 minutes the minimum time for any electronic vote on
the question of adoption of the resolution.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--yeas 237,
nays 179, not voting 15, as follows:
[Roll No. 163]
YEAS--237
Abraham
Aderholt
Allen
Amash
Amodei
Babin
Barletta
Barr
Barton
Benishek
Bilirakis
Bishop (MI)
Bishop (UT)
Black
Blackburn
Blum
Bost
Boustany
Brat
Bridenstine
Brooks (AL)
Brooks (IN)
Buchanan
Buck
Bucshon
Burgess
Byrne
Calvert
Carter (GA)
Carter (TX)
Chabot
Chaffetz
Clawson (FL)
Coffman
Cole
Collins (GA)
Collins (NY)
Comstock
Conaway
Cook
Costello (PA)
Cramer
Crawford
Crenshaw
Culberson
Davis, Rodney
Denham
Dent
DeSantis
Diaz-Balart
Dold
Duffy
Duncan (SC)
Duncan (TN)
[[Page H2377]]
Ellmers (NC)
Emmer (MN)
Farenthold
Fincher
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fleming
Flores
Forbes
Fortenberry
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Garrett
Gibbs
Gibson
Gohmert
Goodlatte
Gosar
Gowdy
Granger
Graves (GA)
Graves (LA)
Griffith
Grothman
Guinta
Guthrie
Hanna
Hardy
Harper
Harris
Hartzler
Heck (NV)
Hensarling
Herrera Beutler
Hice, Jody B.
Hill
Holding
Hudson
Huelskamp
Huizenga (MI)
Hultgren
Hunter
Hurd (TX)
Hurt (VA)
Issa
Jenkins (KS)
Jenkins (WV)
Johnson (OH)
Johnson, Sam
Jolly
Jones
Jordan
Joyce
Katko
Kelly (PA)
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kinzinger (IL)
Kline
Knight
Labrador
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Lance
Latta
LoBiondo
Long
Loudermilk
Love
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Lummis
MacArthur
Marchant
Marino
Massie
McCarthy
McCaul
McClintock
McHenry
McKinley
McMorris Rodgers
McSally
Meadows
Meehan
Messer
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Moolenaar
Mooney (WV)
Mullin
Mulvaney
Murphy (PA)
Neugebauer
Newhouse
Noem
Nugent
Nunes
Palazzo
Palmer
Paulsen
Pearce
Perry
Pittenger
Pitts
Poliquin
Pompeo
Posey
Price, Tom
Ratcliffe
Reed
Reichert
Renacci
Ribble
Rice (SC)
Rigell
Roby
Roe (TN)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rohrabacher
Rokita
Rooney (FL)
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Ross
Rothfus
Rouzer
Royce
Russell
Ryan (WI)
Salmon
Sanford
Scalise
Schweikert
Scott, Austin
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shimkus
Shuster
Simpson
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Stefanik
Stewart
Stivers
Stutzman
Thompson (PA)
Thornberry
Tiberi
Tipton
Trott
Turner
Upton
Valadao
Wagner
Walberg
Walden
Walker
Walorski
Walters, Mimi
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Wenstrup
Westerman
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Williams
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Womack
Woodall
Yoder
Yoho
Young (AK)
Young (IA)
Young (IN)
Zeldin
Zinke
NAYS--179
Adams
Aguilar
Ashford
Bass
Beatty
Becerra
Bera
Beyer
Bishop (GA)
Blumenauer
Bonamici
Boyle, Brendan F.
Brady (PA)
Brown (FL)
Brownley (CA)
Bustos
Butterfield
Capps
Capuano
Caardenas
Carney
Carson (IN)
Cartwright
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chu, Judy
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Connolly
Conyers
Cooper
Courtney
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (CA)
Davis, Danny
DeFazio
DeGette
Delaney
DeLauro
DelBene
DeSaulnier
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle, Michael F.
Duckworth
Edwards
Ellison
Engel
Eshoo
Esty
Farr
Fattah
Foster
Frankel (FL)
Fudge
Gabbard
Gallego
Garamendi
Graham
Grayson
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutieerrez
Hahn
Heck (WA)
Higgins
Himes
Hinojosa
Honda
Hoyer
Huffman
Israel
Jackson Lee
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson, E. B.
Kaptur
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilmer
Kind
Kirkpatrick
Kuster
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lawrence
Lee
Levin
Lewis
Lieu, Ted
Lipinski
Loebsack
Lofgren
Lowenthal
Lowey
Lujan Grisham (NM)
Lujaan, Ben Ray (NM)
Lynch
Maloney, Carolyn
Maloney, Sean
Matsui
McCollum
McDermott
McGovern
McNerney
Meeks
Meng
Moore
Moulton
Nadler
Napolitano
Nolan
Norcross
O'Rourke
Pallone
Pascrell
Pelosi
Perlmutter
Peters
Peterson
Pingree
Pocan
Polis
Price (NC)
Quigley
Rangel
Rice (NY)
Richmond
Roybal-Allard
Ruiz
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Saanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Scott (VA)
Scott, David
Serrano
Sewell (AL)
Sherman
Sinema
Sires
Slaughter
Speier
Swalwell (CA)
Takai
Takano
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Titus
Tonko
Torres
Tsongas
Van Hollen
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Velaazquez
Visclosky
Walz
Waters, Maxine
Watson Coleman
Welch
Wilson (FL)
Yarmuth
NOT VOTING--15
Brady (TX)
Costa
Curbelo (FL)
DesJarlais
Deutch
Graves (MO)
Hastings
Murphy (FL)
Neal
Olson
Payne
Poe (TX)
Schrader
Smith (WA)
Wasserman Schultz
{time} 1349
Messrs. CLEAVER and GENE GREEN of Texas changed their vote from
``yea'' to ``nay.''
Messrs. NEUGEBAUER, HUDSON, and STIVERS changed their vote from
``nay'' to ``yea.''
So the previous question was ordered.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
Stated against:
Mr. DEUTCH. Mr. Speaker, on rollcall No. 163, had I been present, I
would have voted ``no.''
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the resolution.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Recorded Vote
Mr. POLIS. Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 238,
noes 182, not voting 11, as follows:
[Roll No. 164]
AYES--238
Abraham
Aderholt
Allen
Amodei
Ashford
Babin
Barletta
Barr
Barton
Benishek
Bilirakis
Bishop (MI)
Bishop (UT)
Black
Blackburn
Blum
Bost
Boustany
Brat
Bridenstine
Brooks (AL)
Brooks (IN)
Buchanan
Buck
Bucshon
Burgess
Byrne
Calvert
Carter (GA)
Carter (TX)
Chabot
Chaffetz
Clawson (FL)
Coffman
Cole
Collins (GA)
Collins (NY)
Comstock
Conaway
Cook
Costa
Costello (PA)
Cramer
Crawford
Crenshaw
Culberson
Davis, Rodney
Denham
Dent
DeSantis
Diaz-Balart
Dold
Duckworth
Duffy
Duncan (SC)
Duncan (TN)
Ellmers (NC)
Emmer (MN)
Farenthold
Fincher
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fleming
Flores
Forbes
Fortenberry
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Garrett
Gibbs
Gibson
Gohmert
Goodlatte
Gosar
Gowdy
Granger
Graves (GA)
Graves (LA)
Griffith
Grothman
Guinta
Guthrie
Hanna
Hardy
Harper
Harris
Hartzler
Heck (NV)
Hensarling
Herrera Beutler
Hice, Jody B.
Hill
Holding
Hudson
Huizenga (MI)
Hultgren
Hunter
Hurd (TX)
Hurt (VA)
Issa
Jenkins (KS)
Jenkins (WV)
Johnson (OH)
Johnson, Sam
Jolly
Jordan
Joyce
Katko
Kelly (PA)
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kinzinger (IL)
Kline
Knight
Labrador
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Lance
Latta
LoBiondo
Long
Loudermilk
Love
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Lummis
MacArthur
Marchant
Marino
McCarthy
McCaul
McClintock
McHenry
McKinley
McMorris Rodgers
McSally
Meadows
Meehan
Messer
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Moolenaar
Mooney (WV)
Mullin
Mulvaney
Murphy (PA)
Neugebauer
Newhouse
Noem
Nugent
Nunes
Palazzo
Palmer
Paulsen
Pearce
Perry
Pittenger
Pitts
Poe (TX)
Poliquin
Pompeo
Posey
Price, Tom
Ratcliffe
Reed
Reichert
Renacci
Ribble
Rice (SC)
Rigell
Roby
Roe (TN)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rohrabacher
Rokita
Rooney (FL)
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Ross
Rothfus
Rouzer
Royce
Russell
Ryan (WI)
Salmon
Sanford
Scalise
Schweikert
Scott, Austin
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shimkus
Shuster
Simpson
Sinema
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Stefanik
Stewart
Stivers
Stutzman
Thompson (PA)
Thornberry
Tiberi
Tipton
Trott
Turner
Upton
Valadao
Wagner
Walberg
Walden
Walker
Walorski
Walters, Mimi
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Wenstrup
Westerman
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Williams
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Womack
Woodall
Yoder
Yoho
Young (AK)
Young (IA)
Young (IN)
Zeldin
Zinke
NOES--182
Adams
Aguilar
Amash
Bass
Beatty
Becerra
Bera
Beyer
Bishop (GA)
Blumenauer
Bonamici
Boyle, Brendan F.
Brady (PA)
Brown (FL)
Brownley (CA)
Bustos
Butterfield
Capps
Capuano
Caardenas
Carney
Carson (IN)
Cartwright
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chu, Judy
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Connolly
Conyers
Cooper
Courtney
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (CA)
Davis, Danny
DeFazio
DeGette
Delaney
DeLauro
DelBene
DeSaulnier
Deutch
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle, Michael F.
Edwards
Ellison
Engel
Eshoo
Esty
Farr
Fattah
Foster
Frankel (FL)
Fudge
Gabbard
Gallego
Garamendi
Graham
Grayson
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutieerrez
Hahn
Heck (WA)
Higgins
Himes
Hinojosa
Honda
Hoyer
Huelskamp
Huffman
Israel
Jackson Lee
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones
Kaptur
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilmer
Kind
Kirkpatrick
Kuster
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lawrence
Lee
Levin
Lewis
Lieu, Ted
Lipinski
Loebsack
Lofgren
Lowenthal
Lowey
Lujan Grisham (NM)
Lujaan, Ben Ray (NM)
Lynch
Maloney, Carolyn
Maloney, Sean
Massie
Matsui
McCollum
McDermott
McGovern
McNerney
Meeks
Meng
Moore
Moulton
Nadler
[[Page H2378]]
Napolitano
Nolan
Norcross
O'Rourke
Pallone
Pascrell
Pelosi
Perlmutter
Peters
Peterson
Pingree
Pocan
Polis
Price (NC)
Quigley
Rangel
Rice (NY)
Richmond
Roybal-Allard
Ruiz
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Saanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schrader
Scott (VA)
Scott, David
Serrano
Sewell (AL)
Sherman
Sires
Slaughter
Speier
Swalwell (CA)
Takai
Takano
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Titus
Tonko
Torres
Tsongas
Van Hollen
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Velaazquez
Visclosky
Walz
Waters, Maxine
Watson Coleman
Welch
Wilson (FL)
Yarmuth
NOT VOTING--11
Brady (TX)
Curbelo (FL)
DesJarlais
Graves (MO)
Hastings
Murphy (FL)
Neal
Olson
Payne
Smith (WA)
Wasserman Schultz
{time} 1356
So the resolution was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
____________________
[Congressional Record Volume 161, Number 59 (Wednesday, April 22, 2015)]
[House]
[Pages H2381-H2398]
From the Congressional Record Online through the Government Publishing Office [www.gpo.gov]
PROTECTING CYBER NETWORKS ACT
General Leave
Mr. NUNES. Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent that all Members may
have 5 legislative days in which to revise and extend their remarks and
insert extraneous material on H.R. 1560, the Protecting Cyber Networks
Act.
The SPEAKER pro tempore (Mr. Rodney Davis of Illinois). Is there
objection to the request of the gentleman from California?
There was no objection.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to House Resolution 212 and rule
XVIII, the Chair declares the House in the Committee of the Whole House
on the state of the Union for the consideration of the bill, H.R. 1560.
The Chair appoints the gentleman from Texas (Mr. Marchant) to preside
over the Committee of the Whole.
{time} 1436
In the Committee of the Whole
Accordingly, the House resolved itself into the Committee of the
Whole House on the state of the Union for the consideration of the bill
(H.R. 1560) to improve cybersecurity in the United States through
enhanced sharing of information about cybersecurity threats, and for
other purposes, with Mr. Marchant in the chair.
The Clerk read the title of the bill.
The CHAIR. Pursuant to the rule, the bill is considered read the
first time.
The gentleman from California (Mr. Nunes) and the gentleman from
California (Mr. Schiff) each will control 30 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California (Mr. Nunes).
Mr. NUNES. Mr. Chair, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Over the last several years, cyber attacks have become a pressing
concern for the United States. Anthem, Home Depot, Sony, Target,
JPMorgan Chase, and other companies have been subject to major attacks,
resulting in the compromise of personal information of employees and
customers alike.
Cyber thieves, whether hostile foreign agents or money-seeking
criminals, have stolen credit card numbers, accessed medical records,
leaked proprietary information, and published confidential emails
affecting tens of millions of Americans. This situation cannot
continue.
The House has passed cybersecurity information-sharing legislation
with strong majorities in the past two Congresses. The gentleman from
California, Ranking Member Schiff, and I have continued this bipartisan
tradition, working closely together to draft a bill that will increase
the security of our networks while protecting users' privacy.
I see the gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Ruppersberger) is here. He
sponsored this legislation last time, along with the gentleman from
Michigan, Chairman Rogers, who is now retired, but I do want to give
them a special thanks and gratitude.
I hope that we can get this bill across the floor this year.
We have also worked closely with leadership--the gentleman from
Texas, Chairman McCaul; the gentleman from Virginia, Chairman
Goodlatte--and the Senate Intelligence Committee to ensure that our
bills complement each other.
The Protecting Cyber Networks Act addresses a core problem in our
digital security infrastructure. Because of legal ambiguities, many
companies are afraid to share information about cyber threats with each
other or with the government. If a company sees some threat or attack,
this bill will allow the company to quickly report information about
the problem without fearing a lawsuit so that other companies can take
measures to protect themselves.
The bill encourages three kinds of sharing: private-to-private,
government-to-private, and private-to-government. In that third
scenario, the bill allows companies to share cyber threat information
with a variety of government agencies. If banks are comfortable sharing
with the Treasury Department, they can share with Treasury. If
utilities prefer sharing with the Department of Energy, they can share
with Energy. If companies want to share with the Department of Homeland
Security, the Justice Department, or the Commerce Department, they can
share with them.
The only sharing that this bill does not encourage is direct sharing
to the Department of Defense or the National Security Agency. Companies
can still share with DOD and NSA, but they will not receive any new
liability protections.
[[Page H2382]]
This bill does not provide the government with any new surveillance
authorities. To the contrary, it includes robust privacy protections.
It only authorizes the sharing of cyber threat indicators and defensive
measures: technical information like malware signatures and malicious
code.
Before companies share with the Federal Government, they must remove
all personal information. If companies don't follow those requirements,
there is no liability protection. Furthermore, a government agency that
receives the information must scrub it a second time. This will ensure
all personal information has been removed. Only then can the
information be forwarded to other Federal agencies.
Finally, the bill provides for strong public and congressional
oversight by requiring a detailed biennial inspectors general report
relating to the government's receipt, use, and dissemination of cyber
threat indicators. The Privacy and Civil Liberties Oversight Board must
also submit a biennial report on the privacy and civil liberties impact
of the bill.
The increasing pace and scope of cyber attacks cannot be ignored.
This bill will strengthen our digital defenses so that American
consumers and businesses will not be put at the mercy of cyber
criminals. I look forward to passing this legislation.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Chairman, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I rise in support of H.R. 1560, the Protecting Cyber Networks Act. At
some point, we need to stop just hearing about cyber attacks that steal
our most valuable trade secrets and our most private information and
actually do something to stop it. At some point, we need to stop
talking about the next Sony, the next Anthem, the next Target, the next
JPMorgan Chase, and the next State Department hack and actually pass a
bill that will help ensure that there will be no next cyber attack.
A few weeks back, the House Intelligence Committee held an open
hearing on the cyber threat to America's private sector. We heard from
our witnesses that their businesses are cyber attacked billions of
times a day--not thousands, not millions, but billions.
The threat to our economy, our jobs, and our privacy from not acting
is massive, and it is certain. We see it happening all around us. So we
must act now. That is why I am proud to support this bill.
The Protecting Cyber Networks Act provides for voluntary information
sharing of cyber threats between and among the private and public
sectors. It does what no executive order can do: it incentivizes cyber
threat information sharing by providing limited liability protection.
Now companies can pool their resources and say to one another: I found
this malicious code or this virus in my system; you need to protect
yourself against it as well. And now the government can better warn
companies of an impending cyber attack, just as it can for an
approaching hurricane or an impending flu outbreak.
But let me be very clear about this: to get the liability protection,
a company that chooses to participate must remove any unrelated private
information prior to sharing. This is something privacy advocates and I
called for when previous information-sharing bills came before the
House.
Unlike prior bills, this measure requires the private sector to strip
out private information. In fact, the bill has two, not one, privacy
scrubs. The first happens when a company shares with another company or
the Federal Government, and the second happens when the Federal
Government shares the information further. This bill even holds the
government directly liable if it doesn't do what it is required to do.
Second, to get the liability protection, a private company wishing to
share with the Federal Government must go through a civilian portal. To
be clear: a company can't go directly to the DOD or NSA and get the
bill's liability protection.
The lack of a civilian portal in previous bills was another key
privacy group criticism, and this bill has resolved that issue, too. In
fact, of the five main criticisms of prior cyber bills, this bill has
resolved each of them. It has private sector privacy stripping of
information. It has a civilian portal. It also has narrow restrictions
on what the government can use that shared cyber threat information
for. Gone is a national security use provision. Gone is a vague
terrorism use provision. And what is left is only the most narrow of
uses: to prevent cyber attacks, to prevent the loss of life, to prevent
serious harm to a child, and to prevent other serious felonies.
{time} 1445
Gone, too, is any question of whether offensive countermeasures or
hack back is authorized. This bill makes clear that you cannot take
anything but defensive actions to protect your networks and data.
And, lest anyone be confused, Mr. Chairman, this bill makes clear in
black-and-white legislative text that nothing in the bill authorizes
government surveillance in this act--nothing.
What this bill does is authorize voluntary, private sector sharing of
cyber threat information, and it allows the government to be able to
quickly share threat information with the private sector, just as we
need a CDC to put out timely warnings and advice on how to counteract
this year's flu strain or how to prevent a local disease from becoming
an epidemic. In addition, the bill requires strong privacy and civil
liberties guidelines and intense reporting requirements.
The bill before us today strikes the right balance between securing
our networks and protecting our privacy, and addresses the privacy
concerns that I, among others, raised last session. However, there are
still some improvements that are yet to be made as the bill moves
forward. In particular, we need to further clarify that our liability
protection only extends to those who act, or fail to act, reasonably.
Before closing, I want to thank Chairman Nunes for his leadership and
for working so hard on this bill. It has been a great pleasure to work
with you, Mr. Chairman. I am grateful for all of the hours, energy, and
talent that you and your staff have put in to making this bill
successful. I want to thank all the members of HPSCI as well as the
Judiciary Committee and the Homeland Security Committee for working
together on this. We had many differences in opinion, and we still have
some, but we kept our eyes firmly on what is best for the American
people as a whole. With that, we found ways to come together and
produce a stronger bill.
Mr. Chairman, I hope we can continue to work together as well with
the Senate and with the White House and all the stakeholders to produce
an even stronger bill for the President to sign into law.
I also want to acknowledge the leadership of our predecessors, Dutch
Ruppersberger and former HPSCI Chairman Mike Rogers. We have come this
far in part because of the good work they did in the last couple of
sessions. I also want to thank all those who came in to speak with us
and provide their input in making this a better bill.
Every day we delay more privacy is stolen, more jobs are lost, and
more economic harm is done. Let's stop sitting by and watching all of
this happen. Let's do something. Let's do what this administration has
urged us to do and pass this bill. Let's do it now. I reserve the
balance of my time.
Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, at this time I would like to yield 3 minutes
to the gentleman from Georgia (Mr. Westmoreland), who also is the
chairman of the Subcommittee on NSA and Cybersecurity for the House
Intelligence Committee.
Mr. WESTMORELAND. Thank you, Chairman Nunes.
Madam Chairman, today I rise in support of H.R. 1560, the Protecting
Cyber Networks Act. The bill encourages and protects information
sharing on cyber threats between private companies and the government
and private companies. The bill safeguards personally identifiable
information from being exchanged during the process by requiring
private companies and the government to both make sure that no private
information is exchanged.
My home State of Georgia is home to many companies that deal with and
secure sensitive data on a daily basis, and they are constantly looking
for better ways to protect their networks.
After recent cyber attacks against American businesses, I have spoken
to industry leaders from Georgia and
[[Page H2383]]
across the Nation about how we can make information sharing between the
industries and the government stronger to better protect our Nation.
Cyberterrorism is the new battlefield, and adapting to this warfare
is crucial to eliminating these threats. By allowing American
businesses to alert other companies and the government of specific
threats, and only the threats, the Protecting Cyber Networks Act can
help shut down the cybercriminals from stealing sensitive information
or causing devastating damage to our networks.
The Protecting Cyber Networks Act is a bipartisan step forward in
protecting businesses and citizens from being the next victim of a
cyber attack. This bill helps devastating cyber attacks from going
unnoticed or only being shared months after the attack.
Madam Chairman, I would like to thank Chairman Nunes; Ranking Member
Schiff; the ranking member on the subcommittee, Mr. Himes; and Mr.
Ruppersberger for all the work that he has put into this, as well as
former Chairman Rogers. I ask for a ``yea'' vote on this.
Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Chair, it is a pleasure to yield 2 minutes to the
gentleman from Maryland (Mr. Ruppersberger), the former ranking member
of the Intelligence Committee.
Mr. RUPPERSBERGER. Madam Chairman, I rise in support of the
bipartisan Protecting Cyber Networks Act and want to thank the members
of the House Intelligence Committee for continuing to prioritize our
Nation's security over partisan rhetoric. I do want to say this: I want
to thank Chairman Nunes and also Ranking Member Schiff for
acknowledging Chairman Rogers and me, but I want to remind you that it
was a team approach, and you two were very active in helping to bring
this bill here today as we did before. So thank you for your
leadership. It is well worth it, and it is refreshing to see this
bipartisanship.
Mr. NUNES. Will the gentleman yield?
Mr. RUPPERSBERGER. I yield to the gentleman from California.
Mr. NUNES. I thank the gentleman for yielding. I thanked you in my
opening statement, Mr. Ruppersberger, but without your leadership and
former Chairman Rogers' leadership on this bill, we would not be here
today. I am encouraged not only by your past support, but then your
taking the time to come down here to speak on this bill I think says a
lot about you and your commitment to our national security and the
security of our cyber networks. So thank you.
Mr. RUPPERSBERGER. Thank you, again, and thank you for your
leadership. Now, this legislation is very similar to the bill that
Chairman Rogers and I introduced to promote information sharing between
the private and public sectors, which is the single most important
thing we can do to combat increasingly aggressive cyber attacks.
Experts believe these attacks are costing American corporations
billions of dollars each year. Target, Home Depot, and CareFirst are
only the beginning. With Sony, we saw the first destructive attack in
our country. It is only a matter of time before our critical
infrastructure is targeted. What would happen if someone were to take
out our electrical grid or 911 call centers or air traffic control? It
goes on and on.
Voluntary information sharing among companies helps our companies
defend themselves. Voluntary, two-way information sharing with the
Federal Government helps improve our ability to protect America against
foreign cyber threats by getting out more and better information
faster.
There are some concerns I have, as anyone has in any bill, between
the bill and the bill Chairman Rogers and I introduced which passed the
House.
The Acting CHAIR (Ms. Foxx). The time of the gentleman has expired.
Mr. SCHIFF. I yield the gentleman an additional 30 seconds.
Mr. RUPPERSBERGER. However, I feel it is important to reach consensus
and move this issue forward now. Our country continues to be cyber
attacked. We are under attack as I speak. To do nothing is not an
option.
I want to thank again the leadership of Chairman Nunes and Ranking
Member Schiff for their leadership and for the entire committee coming
together for this bill, and I ask my colleagues to support it.
Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, at this time I yield 5 minutes to the
gentleman from Texas (Mr. McCaul), the chairman of the Homeland
Security Committee, who, without his strong leadership and support, we
wouldn't be at this juncture today getting a bill passed today and
tomorrow that will hopefully become law.
Mr. McCAUL. Madam Chair, I rise today in strong support of H.R. 1560,
the Protecting Cyber Networks Act. I would like to first thank Chairman
Nunes for his great leadership and collaboration with my committee and
Judiciary on this bill, and also the ranking member, Adam Schiff, a
good friend as well, for his great work in the direction that this bill
has gone. I think it has gone in the right direction. Also I know
former Ranking Member Dutch Ruppersberger was here. I want to thank him
for his leadership over the many years on this important issue of
cybersecurity.
Madam Chair, this legislation comes at a critical time of rising
cyber threats and attacks on our digital networks. Cyber breaches and
attacks are affecting Americans' privacy, security, and prosperity.
Individuals are having their most private information compromised.
Businesses are seeing their intellectual property stolen and their
networks damaged.
The Federal Government's sensitive information is being targeted. The
country's critical infrastructure is being probed by foreign enemies.
Detecting and defending against these digital assaults requires
timely and robust information sharing between the public and private
sectors. This exchange of data is crucial to connecting the dots,
identifying cyber attacks, and shutting them down.
The Protecting Cyber Networks Act will enable private companies to
share cyber threat information on a voluntary basis with the Federal
Government. This bill provides essential liability protection for
sharing cyber threat indicators through trusted civilian agency
portals.
Again, Madam Chair, I commend Chairman Nunes for his important work
on this bill and thank him for his great partnership in working
together to have these two complementary bills, as tomorrow I will
bring to the floor a pro-security, pro-privacy bill, the National
Cybersecurity Protection Advancement Act of 2015, which further
reinforces the role of the Department of Homeland Security's National
Cybersecurity and Communications Integration Center as the hub for
cyber threat information sharing.
Chairman Nunes and I have worked in lockstep to remove obstacles
preventing greater cyber threat information sharing across the private
and public sectors. I commend the staff on both sides of the aisle, who
have operated in tandem as we crafted these cybersecurity bills. I
would also like to acknowledge Chairman Goodlatte for devising the
House's standard liability exemption language for this week's
cybersecurity bill.
These bills represent a unified front in the House for strengthening
cybersecurity while ensuring Americans' privacy, and I urge my
colleagues to support this measure.
Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Chair, it gives me great pleasure to yield 3
minutes to Mr. Himes, one of our subcommittee ranking members on the
Intelligence Committee and the Representative from Connecticut.
Mr. HIMES. Madam Chairwoman, I would like to thank my friend from
California for yielding time and start by saying that I am thrilled to
be standing here to urge support for the Protecting Cyber Networks Act.
I would like to thank and congratulate Chairman Nunes, Ranking Member
Schiff, and the chairman of the subcommittee on which I serve as
ranking member, Mr. Westmoreland, for coming together at a time when
this Congress is accused, often rightly so, of being dysfunctional to
take a very substantial step to secure the networks on which so much of
our lives today depend.
As ranking member of the Cybersecurity Subcommittee, my daily travels
every single day expose me to people who say the single most important
thing we as a Congress can do today to advance the security of our
networks, to protect Americans, their financial records, their health
records and, of course, even more ominously, to protect them against
potential attack
[[Page H2384]]
against our utilities and any sort of thing that our antagonists around
the world would seek to do to us, the single most important thing we
can do is to do what we are doing today, which is to set up a rubric
whereby the very good people within the private sector who focus on
this day in and day out can communicate threats to each other and
communicate with the experts within the United States Government to
work as a team to counter very, very serious threats. This rubric has
been set up with ample attention and good attention to the very
legitimate privacy claims and the liberties that we all take so
seriously.
The stakes are high. We saw what happened at Sony. We saw what
happened at Anthem. We know all the attacks that have been leveled
internationally that destroyed computers. This is the reality that we
live with, and this is a very big step, an information-sharing protocol
that will counter those who wish us ill.
I would note that the privacy protections in this bill are
considerably better, as the chairman and ranking member have pointed
out, than those that were in the bill of the last Congress. The
objections of those who are focused on privacy have been dealt with
point by point. And while I won't say that the bill is perfect, this
bill does what it needs to do to protect the privacy of the American
people by obligating everyone to work hard to scrub personally
identifiable information from any code, any information that is
exchanged.
I have learned in my 6 years here that we don't produce perfection,
and it is my hope that as this bill proceeds through the legislative
path that we will work even harder to make sure we are very clear about
definitions and, in fact, are protecting the privacy rights of
Americans as best as we can. But in the meantime we have taken a very
big step forward in a bipartisan fashion in a way that will make
America, its people, and its networks more secure. For that, I am
grateful to the leadership and urge support of the Protecting Cyber
Networks Act.
Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Chairman, I yield 3 minutes to the gentleman from
California (Mr. Swalwell), another of our ranking members on the
Intelligence Committee and a colleague from California.
{time} 1500
Mr. SWALWELL of California. Madam Chair, I want to thank our ranking
member and also the chair for bringing forward this bipartisan and
necessary legislation.
As we speak right now, Americans are under attack, and these attacks
are not coming in the form of anything that we have been used to
before. People are not kicking down front doors of homes and
businesses; instead, they are attacking us through our networks. Our
bank accounts, our health care records, our social media accounts, our
cell phones, all are being hacked every day.
CNN reported that, in 2014, half of the Nation's adults were hacked.
The examples are voluminous: 70 million Target customers were hacked;
56 million Home Depot customers were hacked; 4.6 million Snapchat users
were hacked. This is Snapchat, which is supposed to be an impenetrable
account that allows data to come in and disappear. They were hacked.
Hackings are happening every day. Our privacy is under attack.
The problem, today, there is virtually zero relationship between
private industry and government--private industry, which has about 85
percent of the networks, and government, which has about 15 percent of
the networks but has vast resources that can help protect individuals
against attacks.
Our government has a duty, a responsibility, to protect the American
people, and that is what this bill seeks to do. It does it in a number
of ways.
First and foremost, this is a voluntary program that is being
created. No business is required to turn over their breach or hack
information to the government; instead, there is a format, a procedure,
that is now in place that will incentivize them to work with the
government to identify in a way that strips out, through a number of
protections, personal identifying information.
The first way that it is stripped out is, when the business that has
been hacked reports to a civilian agency, they must scrub the personal
identifying information; but that is not the only way that that
information is scrubbed.
Once the government agency receives this personal identifying
information, again, before it can be used or forwarded anywhere else in
the government, it, again, must be scrubbed--two protections against
personal identifying information being used.
Now, should any personal identifying information be passed along to
the government, this bill provides a right of action, civil recourse
for any individual who is wronged to sue the government. There is also
an oversight committee, a biannual inspector general report that must
be presented to Congress that would report on any privacy violations
that occur.
Madam Chair, the American people, day after day, are either learning
that they have been hacked or someone they know has been hacked. This
will continue to have a devastating effect on our economy and, as my
colleague from Connecticut alluded to, perhaps our public utilities if
we do not act.
I urge support of this for my colleagues, and I thank the chairman
and the ranking member for the hard work they have done.
Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, I continue to reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Chair, I yield 3 minutes to the gentlewoman from
Alabama (Ms. Sewell), another one of the ranking members on the
Intelligence Committee and a great Member.
Ms. SEWELL of Alabama. Madam Chair, I would like to thank Ranking
Member Adam Schiff, as well as our chair, Chairman Nunes, for your
leadership on this matter.
Today, I rise in support of H.R. 1560, the Protecting Cyber Networks
Act, a bill that I am proud to be an original cosponsor, a bill that
was unanimously voted out of our committee, the Intel Committee.
Again, I want to commend both the chairman and the ranking member for
their leadership. It is an honor to serve on that committee where we
really try, on a daily basis, to be bipartisan in our efforts to
protect the homeland and to secure our national security.
This critical bill is bipartisan legislation, which encourages the
private sector to share cyber threat information, which will ultimately
help prevent future attacks. It seems like we are always hearing about
another company being hit with cyber attacks.
These attacks cost our economy billions of dollars each year, and it
threatens our national security and jeopardizes every American's
sensitive, personal, and financial information.
This bill takes a very important step towards addressing this
emerging national security threat without compromising the privacy of
American citizens.
Fostering an environment where companies can voluntarily share
information with each other helps American businesses defend themselves
against harmful cyber attacks and helps them protect consumer
information and privacy.
Additionally, two-way information sharing with the Federal Government
helps improve the Federal Government's ability to protect all Americans
against foreign cyber threats by disseminating vital information in a
more timely and efficient manner.
I know some continue to criticize this cyber bill and all cyber bills
as violating privacy, but I must assure you, Madam Chair, that this
bill is a vast improvement over the CISPA bill that was entered and
passed this House last term.
This bill includes many more privacy protections that weren't in the
original bill, the most important of which is the requirement for two
scrubs of private information, one by the private sector before sharing
that information and one by the government before sharing it further.
There is also now a civilian portal--no direct sharing with NSA--a
very narrow set of government use provisions, and a clear and
legislative prohibition against such surveillance. Let me repeat: no
provision of this bill provides any surveillance authorities.
I am encouraged by the strong showing of bipartisanship as we work
together to address the emerging threats
[[Page H2385]]
to our national security. I urge my colleagues to join those of us who
are members of the Intel Committee, as well as this administration has
said that it also encourages a vote in support of this bill.
I urge my colleagues to support the efforts and vote ``yes'' on H.R.
1560.
Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, at this time, I yield 2 minutes to the
gentleman from Michigan (Mr. Trott).
Mr. TROTT. Madam Chair, I want to thank the gentleman from California
for allowing me to speak in support of this bill.
Today, I rise concerned about the need for stronger cybersecurity
efforts in our country. We live in a world where personal data flows
through the Internet with great speed and data about people is gathered
in an instant. The use of social media has opened up our lives to
anyone with a computing device, and this is the same world where
hackers steal millions of personal records from people in our
districts.
I would venture to guess that most Members of Congress have been
affected by hackers. Internet criminals pose dire threats to our
governments on the local, State, and Federal level. The Federal
Government has extensive resources to put up a fight, but our local
governments and municipalities do not.
In response, five southeast Michigan counties--Livingston, Monroe,
Oakland, Washtenaw, and Wayne--and the State of Michigan came together
to build the Cyber Security Assessment for Everyone. CySAFE, as it is
known, provides a strong point for governments to begin assessing their
cybersecurity needs and taking steps to respond to attacks. The
assessment is a simple Excel download located at www.g2gmarket.com.
Madam Chair, I commend these local Michigan governments for
committing the resources to develop such a tool. I encourage all of my
colleagues to promote the use of CySAFE and to work together to find
the right solutions to fight cyber crime, starting with passing H.R.
1560.
Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Chair, I am pleased to yield 2 minutes to the
gentleman from Rhode Island (Mr. Langevin), who is a former member of
the Intelligence Committee and one of the Congress' leading experts on
cyber matters.
Mr. LANGEVIN. Madam Chair, I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Madam Chair, this has been a long time in coming. When I served on
the Intelligence Committee the past two Congresses, I worked very
closely with Chairman Rogers and Ranking Member Ruppersberger on CISPA,
and their legacy is very evident in this fine bill.
I would, however, like to commend Chairman Nunes and Ranking Member
Schiff for rising to the challenge as the new leaders of the House
Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence and producing an even better
product, particularly with regard to privacy protections.
PCNA, as it is known, also provides statutory authorization for the
CTIIC, an important new center the President has created to provide
comprehensive assessments of cyber threats.
This bill before us certainly isn't perfect. The liability
protections, while generally narrow, could still be construed to
project a company's failure to act on threat indicators. It is
important that my friends in this Chamber understand that information
sharing is not a silver bullet.
There will still be important work to be done to improve our Nation's
cyber defenses, but I can say, with great confidence, passing an
information-sharing bill will get us significantly closer to being much
more secure in cyberspace than where we are right now, particularly
when it comes to protecting critical infrastructure.
However, after studying this issue for the better part of a decade, I
can firmly say that this bill marks a meaningful step forward.
Let me, again, congratulate the chairman and the ranking member for
continuing with this bipartisan spirit that has long animated the
Intelligence Committee's cybersecurity work.
I urge my colleagues to support the bill.
Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Chair, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
Every moment we wait equals another Social Security number stolen,
another checking account hacked, another invaluable trade secret
pilfered, and another job lost. This is certain. We see it every day.
Many of us and our constituents, both individuals and businesses,
have been the victim of a cyber crime. Whether it is identity theft,
the hacking of our email or Facebook accounts, or the loss of our
privacy, when our health insurance company is breached, we have our
privacy invaded.
All of us are certainly paying higher fees to compensate for the
billions of dollars our businesses lose to cyber hacking and to the
costs of preventing future cyber attacks. The problem is only getting
worse. As our cars, our phones, our home security systems, our Internet
banking, our electronic health records, our web-based baby monitors all
get smarter, they also get more vulnerable.
This isn't speculation. This is happening today. It is happening
right now. On the time that we have been on the floor discussing this
cyber bill, billions of additional hacking attempts have been made.
Here, we have the opportunity to help stop this scourge of cyber
hacking. We need to encourage cyber threat information sharing by
passing the Protecting Cyber Networks Act today and then not resting
until it improves on its way to the President's desk for signature.
I urge my colleagues to vote for this important measure. It is a bill
that will help protect America's most valuable and private information,
while itself protecting privacy and civil liberties to a degree far in
advance of where prior legislation has gone. I and my colleagues have
made sure of that, and we will continue to do so as the bill advances.
Madam Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, I yield myself such time as I may consume.
I will close by just taking a few moments to thank my ranking member
and colleague from California (Mr. Schiff) for his fine work on this
product.
I also would be remiss not to thank, on both sides of the aisle, the
staff that have worked hours and hours and hours to make the
legislation from last Congress even better and then, as Mr. McCaul
said, to work with the Judiciary Committee and the Homeland Security
Committee so that we have a product that I think is much better than
the product that we have had in the past.
We have been in consultations with the United States Senate. They
have passed their bill out of committee. We look forward to, hopefully,
their passing a bill off the Senate floor so that we can get to a
conference.
Madam Chair, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. VAN HOLLEN. Madam Chair, I rise today to oppose to H.R. 1560, the
Protecting Cyber Network Act (PCNA). While I commend Chairman Nunes and
Ranking Member Schiff for crafting a bill that improves upon the
cybersecurity legislation this body has previously voted on, I cannot
support it in its current form.
Despite addressing many of the reservations I had when we voted on
the Cyber Intelligence Sharing and Protection Act (CISPA) last
Congress, I have concerns about the ambiguous liability provisions in
this legislation. While companies should have some legal protection,
this bill gives liability protections to companies so long as they
share or receive information ``in accordance with the Act.'' It would
grant immunity to companies for simply putting forth a ``good faith''
effort when reporting security threats and sharing consumer data with
the government and other companies. For example, companies would
receive liability protection even if they fail to act on threat
information in a timely manner. The unintended effect of these murky
liability provisions is that companies would not have the same
incentive to report security threats and protect their consumers'
privacy. I was disappointed that Republicans did not allow a vote on
two amendments offered by Rep. Richmond than would have addressed these
overbroad liability provisions.
Our country faces cyber-network attacks each day which threaten our
national security and our economy. I strongly believe that we must take
steps to protect against these cyber threats while not sacrificing our
privacy and civil liberties. Should this bill pass the House,
[[Page H2386]]
I hope that many of the loopholes can be resolved with the Senate, but
as it stands today I cannot support it.
The Acting CHAIR. All time for general debate has expired.
Pursuant to the rule, the bill shall be considered for amendment
under the 5-minute rule.
It shall be in order to consider as an original bill for the purpose
of amendment under the 5-minute rule an amendment in the nature of a
substitute recommended by the Permanent Select Committee on
Intelligence printed in the bill. The committee amendment in the nature
of a substitute shall be considered as read.
The text of the committee amendment in the nature of a substitute is
as follows:
H.R. 1560
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of
the United States of America in Congress assembled,
SECTION 1. SHORT TITLE; TABLE OF CONTENTS.
(a) Short Title.--This Act may be cited as the ``Protecting
Cyber Networks Act''.
(b) Table of Contents.--The table of contents of this Act
is as follows:
Sec. 1. Short title; table of contents.
Sec. 2. Sharing of cyber threat indicators and defensive measures by
the Federal Government with non-Federal entities.
Sec. 3. Authorizations for preventing, detecting, analyzing, and
mitigating cybersecurity threats.
Sec. 4. Sharing of cyber threat indicators and defensive measures with
appropriate Federal entities other than the Department of
Defense or the National Security Agency.
Sec. 5. Federal Government liability for violations of privacy or civil
liberties.
Sec. 6. Protection from liability.
Sec. 7. Oversight of Government activities.
Sec. 8. Report on cybersecurity threats.
Sec. 9. Construction and preemption.
Sec. 10. Conforming amendments.
Sec. 11. Definitions.
SEC. 2. SHARING OF CYBER THREAT INDICATORS AND DEFENSIVE
MEASURES BY THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT WITH NON-
FEDERAL ENTITIES.
(a) In General.--Title I of the National Security Act of
1947 (50 U.S.C. 3021 et seq.) is amended by inserting after
section 110 (50 U.S.C. 3045) the following new section:
``SEC. 111. SHARING OF CYBER THREAT INDICATORS AND DEFENSIVE
MEASURES BY THE FEDERAL GOVERNMENT WITH NON-
FEDERAL ENTITIES.
``(a) Sharing by the Federal Government.--
``(1) In general.--Consistent with the protection of
classified information, intelligence sources and methods, and
privacy and civil liberties, the Director of National
Intelligence, in consultation with the heads of the other
appropriate Federal entities, shall develop and promulgate
procedures to facilitate and promote--
``(A) the timely sharing of classified cyber threat
indicators in the possession of the Federal Government with
representatives of relevant non-Federal entities with
appropriate security clearances;
``(B) the timely sharing with relevant non-Federal entities
of cyber threat indicators in the possession of the Federal
Government that may be declassified and shared at an
unclassified level; and
``(C) the sharing with non-Federal entities, if
appropriate, of information in the possession of the Federal
Government about imminent or ongoing cybersecurity threats to
such entities to prevent or mitigate adverse impacts from
such cybersecurity threats.
``(2) Development of procedures.--The procedures developed
and promulgated under paragraph (1) shall--
``(A) ensure the Federal Government has and maintains the
capability to share cyber threat indicators in real time
consistent with the protection of classified information;
``(B) incorporate, to the greatest extent practicable,
existing processes and existing roles and responsibilities of
Federal and non-Federal entities for information sharing by
the Federal Government, including sector-specific information
sharing and analysis centers;
``(C) include procedures for notifying non-Federal entities
that have received a cyber threat indicator from a Federal
entity in accordance with this Act that is known or
determined to be in error or in contravention of the
requirements of this section, the Protecting Cyber Networks
Act, or the amendments made by such Act or another provision
of Federal law or policy of such error or contravention;
``(D) include requirements for Federal entities receiving a
cyber threat indicator or defensive measure to implement
appropriate security controls to protect against unauthorized
access to, or acquisition of, such cyber threat indicator or
defensive measure;
``(E) include procedures that require Federal entities,
prior to the sharing of a cyber threat indicator, to--
``(i) review such cyber threat indicator to assess whether
such cyber threat indicator, in contravention of the
requirement under section 3(d)(2) of the Protecting Cyber
Networks Act, contains any information that such Federal
entity knows at the time of sharing to be personal
information of or information identifying a specific person
not directly related to a cybersecurity threat and remove
such information; or
``(ii) implement a technical capability configured to
remove or exclude any personal information of or information
identifying a specific person not directly related to a
cybersecurity threat; and
``(F) include procedures to promote the efficient granting
of security clearances to appropriate representatives of non-
Federal entities.
``(b) Definitions.--In this section, the terms `appropriate
Federal entities', `cyber threat indicator', `defensive
measure', `Federal entity', and `non-Federal entity' have the
meaning given such terms in section 11 of the Protecting
Cyber Networks Act.''.
(b) Submittal to Congress.--Not later than 90 days after
the date of the enactment of this Act, the Director of
National Intelligence, in consultation with the heads of the
other appropriate Federal entities, shall submit to Congress
the procedures required by section 111(a) of the National
Security Act of 1947, as inserted by subsection (a) of this
section.
(c) Table of Contents Amendment.--The table of contents in
the first section of the National Security Act of 1947 is
amended by inserting after the item relating to section 110
the following new item:
``Sec. 111. Sharing of cyber threat indicators and defensive measures
by the Federal Government with non-Federal entities.''.
SEC. 3. AUTHORIZATIONS FOR PREVENTING, DETECTING, ANALYZING,
AND MITIGATING CYBERSECURITY THREATS.
(a) Authorization for Private-sector Defensive
Monitoring.--
(1) In general.--Notwithstanding any other provision of
law, a private entity may, for a cybersecurity purpose,
monitor--
(A) an information system of such private entity;
(B) an information system of a non-Federal entity or a
Federal entity, upon the written authorization of such non-
Federal entity or such Federal entity; and
(C) information that is stored on, processed by, or
transiting an information system monitored by the private
entity under this paragraph.
(2) Construction.--Nothing in this subsection shall be
construed to--
(A) authorize the monitoring of an information system, or
the use of any information obtained through such monitoring,
other than as provided in this Act;
(B) authorize the Federal Government to conduct
surveillance of any person; or
(C) limit otherwise lawful activity.
(b) Authorization for Operation of Defensive Measures.--
(1) In general.--Except as provided in paragraph (2) and
notwithstanding any other provision of law, a private entity
may, for a cybersecurity purpose, operate a defensive measure
that is operated on and is limited to--
(A) an information system of such private entity to protect
the rights or property of the private entity; and
(B) an information system of a non-Federal entity or a
Federal entity upon written authorization of such non-Federal
entity or such Federal entity for operation of such defensive
measure to protect the rights or property of such private
entity, such non-Federal entity, or such Federal entity.
(2) Limitation.--The authority provided in paragraph (1)
does not include the intentional or reckless operation of any
defensive measure that destroys, renders unusable or
inaccessible (in whole or in part), substantially harms, or
initiates a new action, process, or procedure on an
information system or information stored on, processed by, or
transiting such information system not owned by--
(A) the private entity operating such defensive measure; or
(B) a non-Federal entity or a Federal entity that has
provided written authorization to that private entity for
operation of such defensive measure on the information system
or information of the entity in accordance with this
subsection.
(3) Construction.--Nothing in this subsection shall be
construed--
(A) to authorize the use of a defensive measure other than
as provided in this subsection; or
(B) to limit otherwise lawful activity.
(c) Authorization for Sharing or Receiving Cyber Threat
Indicators or Defensive Measures.--
(1) In general.--Except as provided in paragraph (2) and
notwithstanding any other provision of law, a non-Federal
entity may, for a cybersecurity purpose and consistent with
the requirement under subsection (d)(2) to remove personal
information of or information identifying a specific person
not directly related to a cybersecurity threat and the
protection of classified information--
(A) share a lawfully obtained cyber threat indicator or
defensive measure with any other non-Federal entity or an
appropriate Federal entity (other than the Department of
Defense or any component of the Department, including the
National Security Agency); and
(B) receive a cyber threat indicator or defensive measure
from any other non-Federal entity or an appropriate Federal
entity.
(2) Lawful restriction.--A non-Federal entity receiving a
cyber threat indicator or defensive measure from another non-
Federal entity or a Federal entity shall comply with
otherwise lawful restrictions placed on the sharing or use of
such cyber threat indicator or defensive measure by the
sharing non-Federal entity or Federal entity.
(3) Construction.--Nothing in this subsection shall be
construed to--
(A) authorize the sharing or receiving of a cyber threat
indicator or defensive measure other than as provided in this
subsection;
(B) authorize the sharing or receiving of classified
information by or with any person not authorized to access
such classified information;
[[Page H2387]]
(C) prohibit any Federal entity from engaging in formal or
informal technical discussion regarding cyber threat
indicators or defensive measures with a non-Federal entity or
from providing technical assistance to address
vulnerabilities or mitigate threats at the request of such an
entity;
(D) limit otherwise lawful activity;
(E) prohibit a non-Federal entity, if authorized by
applicable law or regulation other than this Act, from
sharing a cyber threat indicator or defensive measure with
the Department of Defense or any component of the Department,
including the National Security Agency; or
(F) authorize the Federal Government to conduct
surveillance of any person.
(d) Protection and Use of Information.--
(1) Security of information.--A non-Federal entity
monitoring an information system, operating a defensive
measure, or providing or receiving a cyber threat indicator
or defensive measure under this section shall implement an
appropriate security control to protect against unauthorized
access to, or acquisition of, such cyber threat indicator or
defensive measure.
(2) Removal of certain personal information.--A non-Federal
entity sharing a cyber threat indicator pursuant to this Act
shall, prior to such sharing, take reasonable efforts to--
(A) review such cyber threat indicator to assess whether
such cyber threat indicator contains any information that the
non-Federal entity reasonably believes at the time of sharing
to be personal information of or information identifying a
specific person not directly related to a cybersecurity
threat and remove such information; or
(B) implement a technical capability configured to remove
any information contained within such indicator that the non-
Federal entity reasonably believes at the time of sharing to
be personal information of or information identifying a
specific person not directly related to a cybersecurity
threat.
(3) Use of cyber threat indicators and defensive measures
by non-federal entities.--A non-Federal entity may, for a
cybersecurity purpose--
(A) use a cyber threat indicator or defensive measure
shared or received under this section to monitor or operate a
defensive measure on--
(i) an information system of such non-Federal entity; or
(ii) an information system of another non-Federal entity or
a Federal entity upon the written authorization of that other
non-Federal entity or that Federal entity; and
(B) otherwise use, retain, and further share such cyber
threat indicator or defensive measure subject to--
(i) an otherwise lawful restriction placed by the sharing
non-Federal entity or Federal entity on such cyber threat
indicator or defensive measure; or
(ii) an otherwise applicable provision of law.
(4) Use of cyber threat indicators by state, tribal, or
local government.--
(A) Law enforcement use.--A State, tribal, or local
government may use a cyber threat indicator shared with such
State, tribal, or local government for the purposes described
in clauses (i), (ii), and (iii) of section 4(d)(5)(A).
(B) Exemption from disclosure.--A cyber threat indicator
shared with a State, tribal, or local government under this
section shall be--
(i) deemed voluntarily shared information; and
(ii) exempt from disclosure under any State, tribal, or
local law requiring disclosure of information or records,
except as otherwise required by applicable State, tribal, or
local law requiring disclosure in any criminal prosecution.
(e) No Right or Benefit.--The sharing of a cyber threat
indicator with a non-Federal entity under this Act shall not
create a right or benefit to similar information by such non-
Federal entity or any other non-Federal entity.
SEC. 4. SHARING OF CYBER THREAT INDICATORS AND DEFENSIVE
MEASURES WITH APPROPRIATE FEDERAL ENTITIES
OTHER THAN THE DEPARTMENT OF DEFENSE OR THE
NATIONAL SECURITY AGENCY.
(a) Requirement for Policies and Procedures.--
(1) In general.--Section 111 of the National Security Act
of 1947, as inserted by section 2 of this Act, is amended--
(A) by redesignating subsection (b) as subsection (c); and
(B) by inserting after subsection (a) the following new
subsection:
``(b) Policies and Procedures for Sharing With the
Appropriate Federal Entities Other Than the Department of
Defense or the National Security Agency.--
``(1) Establishment.--The President shall develop and
submit to Congress policies and procedures relating to the
receipt of cyber threat indicators and defensive measures by
the Federal Government.
``(2) Requirements concerning policies and procedures.--The
policies and procedures required under paragraph (1) shall--
``(A) be developed in accordance with the privacy and civil
liberties guidelines required under section 4(b) of the
Protecting Cyber Networks Act;
``(B) ensure that--
``(i) a cyber threat indicator shared by a non-Federal
entity with an appropriate Federal entity (other than the
Department of Defense or any component of the Department,
including the National Security Agency) pursuant to section 3
of such Act is shared in real-time with all of the
appropriate Federal entities (including all relevant
components thereof);
``(ii) the sharing of such cyber threat indicator with
appropriate Federal entities is not subject to any delay,
modification, or any other action without good cause that
could impede receipt by all of the appropriate Federal
entities; and
``(iii) such cyber threat indicator is provided to each
other Federal entity to which such cyber threat indicator is
relevant; and
``(C) ensure there--
``(i) is an audit capability; and
``(ii) are appropriate sanctions in place for officers,
employees, or agents of a Federal entity who knowingly and
willfully use a cyber threat indicator or defense measure
shared with the Federal Government by a non-Federal entity
under the Protecting Cyber Networks Act other than in
accordance with this section and such Act.''.
(2) Submission.--The President shall submit to Congress--
(A) not later than 90 days after the date of the enactment
of this Act, interim policies and procedures required under
section 111(b)(1) of the National Security Act of 1947, as
inserted by paragraph (1) of this section; and
(B) not later than 180 days after such date, final policies
and procedures required under such section 111(b)(1).
(b) Privacy and Civil Liberties.--
(1) Guidelines of attorney general.--The Attorney General,
in consultation with the heads of the other appropriate
Federal agencies and with officers designated under section
1062 of the Intelligence Reform and Terrorism Prevention Act
of 2004 (42 U.S.C. 2000ee-1), shall develop and periodically
review guidelines relating to privacy and civil liberties
that govern the receipt, retention, use, and dissemination of
cyber threat indicators by a Federal entity obtained in
accordance with this Act and the amendments made by this Act.
(2) Content.--The guidelines developed and reviewed under
paragraph (1) shall, consistent with the need to protect
information systems from cybersecurity threats and mitigate
cybersecurity threats--
(A) limit the impact on privacy and civil liberties of
activities by the Federal Government under this Act,
including guidelines to ensure that personal information of
or information identifying specific persons is properly
removed from information received, retained, used, or
disseminated by a Federal entity in accordance with this Act
or the amendments made by this Act;
(B) limit the receipt, retention, use, and dissemination of
cyber threat indicators containing personal information of or
information identifying specific persons, including by
establishing--
(i) a process for the prompt destruction of such
information that is known not to be directly related to a use
for a cybersecurity purpose;
(ii) specific limitations on the length of any period in
which a cyber threat indicator may be retained; and
(iii) a process to inform recipients that such indicators
may only be used for a cybersecurity purpose;
(C) include requirements to safeguard cyber threat
indicators containing personal information of or identifying
specific persons from unauthorized access or acquisition,
including appropriate sanctions for activities by officers,
employees, or agents of the Federal Government in
contravention of such guidelines;
(D) include procedures for notifying non-Federal entities
and Federal entities if information received pursuant to this
section is known or determined by a Federal entity receiving
such information not to constitute a cyber threat indicator;
(E) be consistent with any other applicable provisions of
law and the fair information practice principles set forth in
appendix A of the document entitled ``National Strategy for
Trusted Identities in Cyberspace'' and published by the
President in April, 2011; and
(F) include steps that may be needed so that dissemination
of cyber threat indicators is consistent with the protection
of classified information and other sensitive national
security information.
(3) Submission.--The Attorney General shall submit to
Congress--
(A) not later than 90 days after the date of the enactment
of this Act, interim guidelines required under paragraph (1);
and
(B) not later than 180 days after such date, final
guidelines required under such paragraph.
(c) National Cyber Threat Intelligence Integration
Center.--
(1) Establishment.--Title I of the National Security Act of
1947 (50 U.S.C. 3021 et seq.), as amended by section 2 of
this Act, is further amended--
(A) by redesignating section 119B as section 119C; and
(B) by inserting after section 119A the following new
section:
``SEC. 119B. CYBER THREAT INTELLIGENCE INTEGRATION CENTER.
``(a) Establishment.--There is within the Office of the
Director of National Intelligence a Cyber Threat Intelligence
Integration Center.
``(b) Director.--There is a Director of the Cyber Threat
Intelligence Integration Center, who shall be the head of the
Cyber Threat Intelligence Integration Center, and who shall
be appointed by the Director of National Intelligence.
``(c) Primary Missions.--The Cyber Threat Intelligence
Integration Center shall--
``(1) serve as the primary organization within the Federal
Government for analyzing and integrating all intelligence
possessed or acquired by the United States pertaining to
cyber threats;
``(2) ensure that appropriate departments and agencies have
full access to and receive all-source intelligence support
needed to execute the cyber threat intelligence activities of
such agencies and to perform independent, alternative
analyses;
``(3) disseminate cyber threat analysis to the President,
the appropriate departments and agencies of the Federal
Government, and the appropriate committees of Congress;
[[Page H2388]]
``(4) coordinate cyber threat intelligence activities of
the departments and agencies of the Federal Government; and
``(5) conduct strategic cyber threat intelligence planning
for the Federal Government.
``(d) Limitations.--The Cyber Threat Intelligence
Integration Center shall--
``(1) have not more than 50 permanent positions;
``(2) in carrying out the primary missions of the Center
described in subsection (c), may not augment staffing through
detailees, assignees, or core contractor personnel or enter
into any personal services contracts to exceed the limitation
under paragraph (1); and
``(3) be located in a building owned or operated by an
element of the intelligence community as of the date of the
enactment of this section.''.
(2) Table of contents amendments.--The table of contents in
the first section of the National Security Act of 1947, as
amended by section 2 of this Act, is further amended by
striking the item relating to section 119B and inserting the
following new items:
``Sec. 119B. Cyber Threat Intelligence Integration Center.
``Sec. 119C. National intelligence centers.''.
(d) Information Shared With or Provided to the Federal
Government.--
(1) No waiver of privilege or protection.--The provision of
a cyber threat indicator or defensive measure to the Federal
Government under this Act shall not constitute a waiver of
any applicable privilege or protection provided by law,
including trade secret protection.
(2) Proprietary information.--Consistent with section
3(c)(2), a cyber threat indicator or defensive measure
provided by a non-Federal entity to the Federal Government
under this Act shall be considered the commercial, financial,
and proprietary information of the non-Federal entity that is
the originator of such cyber threat indicator or defensive
measure when so designated by such non-Federal entity or a
non-Federal entity acting in accordance with the written
authorization of the non-Federal entity that is the
originator of such cyber threat indicator or defensive
measure.
(3) Exemption from disclosure.--A cyber threat indicator or
defensive measure provided to the Federal Government under
this Act shall be--
(A) deemed voluntarily shared information and exempt from
disclosure under section 552 of title 5, United States Code,
and any State, tribal, or local law requiring disclosure of
information or records; and
(B) withheld, without discretion, from the public under
section 552(b)(3)(B) of title 5, United States Code, and any
State, tribal, or local provision of law requiring disclosure
of information or records, except as otherwise required by
applicable Federal, State, tribal, or local law requiring
disclosure in any criminal prosecution.
(4) Ex parte communications.--The provision of a cyber
threat indicator or defensive measure to the Federal
Government under this Act shall not be subject to a rule of
any Federal department or agency or any judicial doctrine
regarding ex parte communications with a decision-making
official.
(5) Disclosure, retention, and use.--
(A) Authorized activities.--A cyber threat indicator or
defensive measure provided to the Federal Government under
this Act may be disclosed to, retained by, and used by,
consistent with otherwise applicable provisions of Federal
law, any department, agency, component, officer, employee, or
agent of the Federal Government solely for--
(i) a cybersecurity purpose;
(ii) the purpose of responding to, prosecuting, or
otherwise preventing or mitigating a threat of death or
serious bodily harm or an offense arising out of such a
threat;
(iii) the purpose of responding to, or otherwise preventing
or mitigating, a serious threat to a minor, including sexual
exploitation and threats to physical safety; or
(iv) the purpose of preventing, investigating, disrupting,
or prosecuting any of the offenses listed in sections 1028,
1029, 1030, and 3559(c)(2)(F) and chapters 37 and 90 of title
18, United States Code.
(B) Prohibited activities.--A cyber threat indicator or
defensive measure provided to the Federal Government under
this Act shall not be disclosed to, retained by, or used by
any Federal department or agency for any use not permitted
under subparagraph (A).
(C) Privacy and civil liberties.--A cyber threat indicator
or defensive measure provided to the Federal Government under
this Act shall be retained, used, and disseminated by the
Federal Government in accordance with--
(i) the policies and procedures relating to the receipt of
cyber threat indicators and defensive measures by the Federal
Government required by subsection (b) of section 111 of the
National Security Act of 1947, as added by subsection (a) of
this section; and
(ii) the privacy and civil liberties guidelines required by
subsection (b).
SEC. 5. FEDERAL GOVERNMENT LIABILITY FOR VIOLATIONS OF
PRIVACY OR CIVIL LIBERTIES.
(a) In General.--If a department or agency of the Federal
Government intentionally or willfully violates the privacy
and civil liberties guidelines issued by the Attorney General
under section 4(b), the United States shall be liable to a
person injured by such violation in an amount equal to the
sum of--
(1) the actual damages sustained by the person as a result
of the violation or $1,000, whichever is greater; and
(2) reasonable attorney fees as determined by the court and
other litigation costs reasonably incurred in any case under
this subsection in which the complainant has substantially
prevailed.
(b) Venue.--An action to enforce liability created under
this section may be brought in the district court of the
United States in--
(1) the district in which the complainant resides;
(2) the district in which the principal place of business
of the complainant is located;
(3) the district in which the department or agency of the
Federal Government that violated such privacy and civil
liberties guidelines is located; or
(4) the District of Columbia.
(c) Statute of Limitations.--No action shall lie under this
subsection unless such action is commenced not later than two
years after the date of the violation of the privacy and
civil liberties guidelines issued by the Attorney General
under section 4(b) that is the basis for the action.
(d) Exclusive Cause of Action.--A cause of action under
this subsection shall be the exclusive means available to a
complainant seeking a remedy for a violation by a department
or agency of the Federal Government under this Act.
SEC. 6. PROTECTION FROM LIABILITY.
(a) Monitoring of Information Systems.--No cause of action
shall lie or be maintained in any court against any private
entity, and such action shall be promptly dismissed, for the
monitoring of an information system and information under
section 3(a) that is conducted in good faith in accordance
with this Act and the amendments made by this Act.
(b) Sharing or Receipt of Cyber Threat Indicators.--No
cause of action shall lie or be maintained in any court
against any non-Federal entity, and such action shall be
promptly dismissed, for the sharing or receipt of a cyber
threat indicator or defensive measure under section 3(c), or
a good faith failure to act based on such sharing or receipt,
if such sharing or receipt is conducted in good faith in
accordance with this Act and the amendments made by this Act.
(c) Willful Misconduct.--
(1) Rule of construction.--Nothing in this section shall be
construed--
(A) to require dismissal of a cause of action against a
non-Federal entity (including a private entity) that has
engaged in willful misconduct in the course of conducting
activities authorized by this Act or the amendments made by
this Act; or
(B) to undermine or limit the availability of otherwise
applicable common law or statutory defenses.
(2) Proof of willful misconduct.--In any action claiming
that subsection (a) or (b) does not apply due to willful
misconduct described in paragraph (1), the plaintiff shall
have the burden of proving by clear and convincing evidence
the willful misconduct by each non-Federal entity subject to
such claim and that such willful misconduct proximately
caused injury to the plaintiff.
(3) Willful misconduct defined.--In this subsection, the
term ``willful misconduct'' means an act or omission that is
taken--
(A) intentionally to achieve a wrongful purpose;
(B) knowingly without legal or factual justification; and
(C) in disregard of a known or obvious risk that is so
great as to make it highly probable that the harm will
outweigh the benefit.
SEC. 7. OVERSIGHT OF GOVERNMENT ACTIVITIES.
(a) Biennial Report on Implementation.--
(1) In general.--Section 111 of the National Security Act
of 1947, as added by section 2(a) and amended by section 4(a)
of this Act, is further amended--
(A) by redesignating subsection (c) (as redesignated by
such section 4(a)) as subsection (d); and
(B) by inserting after subsection (b) (as inserted by such
section 4(a)) the following new subsection:
``(c) Biennial Report on Implementation.--
``(1) In general.--Not less frequently than once every two
years, the Director of National Intelligence, in consultation
with the heads of the other appropriate Federal entities,
shall submit to Congress a report concerning the
implementation of this section and the Protecting Cyber
Networks Act.
``(2) Contents.--Each report submitted under paragraph (1)
shall include the following:
``(A) An assessment of the sufficiency of the policies,
procedures, and guidelines required by this section and
section 4 of the Protecting Cyber Networks Act in ensuring
that cyber threat indicators are shared effectively and
responsibly within the Federal Government.
``(B) An assessment of whether the procedures developed
under section 3 of such Act comply with the goals described
in subparagraphs (A), (B), and (C) of subsection (a)(1).
``(C) An assessment of whether cyber threat indicators have
been properly classified and an accounting of the number of
security clearances authorized by the Federal Government for
the purposes of this section and such Act.
``(D) A review of the type of cyber threat indicators
shared with the Federal Government under this section and
such Act, including the following:
``(i) The degree to which such information may impact the
privacy and civil liberties of specific persons.
``(ii) A quantitative and qualitative assessment of the
impact of the sharing of such cyber threat indicators with
the Federal Government on privacy and civil liberties of
specific persons.
``(iii) The adequacy of any steps taken by the Federal
Government to reduce such impact.
``(E) A review of actions taken by the Federal Government
based on cyber threat indicators shared with the Federal
Government under this
[[Page H2389]]
section or such Act, including the appropriateness of any
subsequent use or dissemination of such cyber threat
indicators by a Federal entity under this section or section
4 of such Act.
``(F) A description of any significant violations of the
requirements of this section or such Act by the Federal
Government--
``(i) an assessment of all reports of officers, employees,
and agents of the Federal Government misusing information
provided to the Federal Government under the Protecting Cyber
Networks Act or this section, without regard to whether the
misuse was knowing or wilful; and
``(ii) an assessment of all disciplinary actions taken
against such officers, employees, and agents.
``(G) A summary of the number and type of non-Federal
entities that received classified cyber threat indicators
from the Federal Government under this section or such Act
and an evaluation of the risks and benefits of sharing such
cyber threat indicators.
``(H) An assessment of any personal information of or
information identifying a specific person not directly
related to a cybersecurity threat that--
``(i) was shared by a non-Federal entity with the Federal
Government under this Act in contravention of section
3(d)(2); or
``(ii) was shared within the Federal Government under this
Act in contravention of the guidelines required by section
4(b).
``(3) Recommendations.--Each report submitted under
paragraph (1) may include such recommendations as the heads
of the appropriate Federal entities may have for improvements
or modifications to the authorities and processes under this
section or such Act.
``(4) Form of report.--Each report required by paragraph
(1) shall be submitted in unclassified form, but may include
a classified annex.
``(5) Public availability of reports.--The Director of
National Intelligence shall make publicly available the
unclassified portion of each report required by paragraph
(1).''.
(2) Initial report.--The first report required under
subsection (c) of section 111 of the National Security Act of
1947, as inserted by paragraph (1) of this subsection, shall
be submitted not later than one year after the date of the
enactment of this Act.
(b) Reports on Privacy and Civil Liberties.--
(1) Biennial report from privacy and civil liberties
oversight board.--
(A) In general.--Section 1061(e) of the Intelligence Reform
and Terrorism Prevention Act of 2004 (42 U.S.C. 2000ee(e)) is
amended by adding at the end the following new paragraph:
``(3) Biennial report on certain cyber activities.--
``(A) Report required.--The Privacy and Civil Liberties
Oversight Board shall biennially submit to Congress and the
President a report containing--
``(i) an assessment of the privacy and civil liberties
impact of the activities carried out under the Protecting
Cyber Networks Act and the amendments made by such Act; and
``(ii) an assessment of the sufficiency of the policies,
procedures, and guidelines established pursuant to section 4
of the Protecting Cyber Networks Act and the amendments made
by such section 4 in addressing privacy and civil liberties
concerns.
``(B) Recommendations.--Each report submitted under this
paragraph may include such recommendations as the Privacy and
Civil Liberties Oversight Board may have for improvements or
modifications to the authorities under the Protecting Cyber
Networks Act or the amendments made by such Act.
``(C) Form.--Each report required under this paragraph
shall be submitted in unclassified form, but may include a
classified annex.
``(D) Public availability of reports.--The Privacy and
Civil Liberties Oversight Board shall make publicly available
the unclassified portion of each report required by
subparagraph (A).''.
(B) Initial report.--The first report required under
paragraph (3) of section 1061(e) of the Intelligence Reform
and Terrorism Prevention Act of 2004 (42 U.S.C. 2000ee(e)),
as added by subparagraph (A) of this paragraph, shall be
submitted not later than 2 years after the date of the
enactment of this Act.
(2) Biennial report of inspectors general.--
(A) In general.--Not later than 2 years after the date of
the enactment of this Act and not less frequently than once
every 2 years thereafter, the Inspector General of the
Department of Homeland Security, the Inspector General of the
Intelligence Community, the Inspector General of the
Department of Justice, and the Inspector General of the
Department of Defense, in consultation with the Council of
Inspectors General on Financial Oversight, shall jointly
submit to Congress a report on the receipt, use, and
dissemination of cyber threat indicators and defensive
measures that have been shared with Federal entities under
this Act and the amendments made by this Act.
(B) Contents.--Each report submitted under subparagraph (A)
shall include the following:
(i) A review of the types of cyber threat indicators shared
with Federal entities.
(ii) A review of the actions taken by Federal entities as a
result of the receipt of such cyber threat indicators.
(iii) A list of Federal entities receiving such cyber
threat indicators.
(iv) A review of the sharing of such cyber threat
indicators among Federal entities to identify inappropriate
barriers to sharing information.
(C) Recommendations.--Each report submitted under this
paragraph may include such recommendations as the Inspectors
General referred to in subparagraph (A) may have for
improvements or modifications to the authorities under this
Act or the amendments made by this Act.
(D) Form.--Each report required under this paragraph shall
be submitted in unclassified form, but may include a
classified annex.
(E) Public availability of reports.--The Inspector General
of the Department of Homeland Security, the Inspector General
of the Intelligence Community, the Inspector General of the
Department of Justice, and the Inspector General of the
Department of Defense shall make publicly available the
unclassified portion of each report required under
subparagraph (A).
SEC. 8. REPORT ON CYBERSECURITY THREATS.
(a) Report Required.--Not later than 180 days after the
date of the enactment of this Act, the Director of National
Intelligence, in consultation with the heads of other
appropriate elements of the intelligence community, shall
submit to the Select Committee on Intelligence of the Senate
and the Permanent Select Committee on Intelligence of the
House of Representatives a report on cybersecurity threats,
including cyber attacks, theft, and data breaches.
(b) Contents.--The report required by subsection (a) shall
include the following:
(1) An assessment of--
(A) the current intelligence sharing and cooperation
relationships of the United States with other countries
regarding cybersecurity threats (including cyber attacks,
theft, and data breaches) directed against the United States
that threaten the United States national security interests,
economy, and intellectual property; and
(B) the relative utility of such relationships, which
elements of the intelligence community participate in such
relationships, and whether and how such relationships could
be improved.
(2) A list and an assessment of the countries and non-state
actors that are the primary threats of carrying out a
cybersecurity threat (including a cyber attack, theft, or
data breach) against the United States and that threaten the
United States national security, economy, and intellectual
property.
(3) A description of the extent to which the capabilities
of the United States Government to respond to or prevent
cybersecurity threats (including cyber attacks, theft, or
data breaches) directed against the United States private
sector are degraded by a delay in the prompt notification by
private entities of such threats or cyber attacks, theft, and
breaches.
(4) An assessment of additional technologies or
capabilities that would enhance the ability of the United
States to prevent and to respond to cybersecurity threats
(including cyber attacks, theft, and data breaches).
(5) An assessment of any technologies or practices utilized
by the private sector that could be rapidly fielded to assist
the intelligence community in preventing and responding to
cybersecurity threats.
(c) Form of Report.--The report required by subsection (a)
shall be submitted in unclassified form, but may include a
classified annex.
(d) Public Availability of Report.--The Director of
National Intelligence shall make publicly available the
unclassified portion of the report required by subsection
(a).
(e) Intelligence Community Defined.--In this section, the
term ``intelligence community'' has the meaning given that
term in section 3 of the National Security Act of 1947 (50
U.S.C. 3003).
SEC. 9. CONSTRUCTION AND PREEMPTION.
(a) Prohibition of Surveillance.--Nothing in this Act or
the amendments made by this Act shall be construed to
authorize the Department of Defense or the National Security
Agency or any other element of the intelligence community to
target a person for surveillance.
(b) Otherwise Lawful Disclosures.--Nothing in this Act or
the amendments made by this Act shall be construed to limit
or prohibit--
(1) otherwise lawful disclosures of communications,
records, or other information, including reporting of known
or suspected criminal activity, by a non-Federal entity to
any other non-Federal entity or the Federal Government; or
(2) any otherwise lawful use of such disclosures by any
entity of the Federal government, without regard to whether
such otherwise lawful disclosures duplicate or replicate
disclosures made under this Act.
(c) Whistle Blower Protections.--Nothing in this Act or the
amendments made by this Act shall be construed to prohibit or
limit the disclosure of information protected under section
2302(b)(8) of title 5, United States Code (governing
disclosures of illegality, waste, fraud, abuse, or public
health or safety threats), section 7211 of title 5, United
States Code (governing disclosures to Congress), section 1034
of title 10, United States Code (governing disclosure to
Congress by members of the military), or any similar
provision of Federal or State law..
(d) Protection of Sources and Methods.--Nothing in this Act
or the amendments made by this Act shall be construed--
(1) as creating any immunity against, or otherwise
affecting, any action brought by the Federal Government, or
any department or agency thereof, to enforce any law,
executive order, or procedure governing the appropriate
handling, disclosure, or use of classified information;
(2) to affect the conduct of authorized law enforcement or
intelligence activities; or
(3) to modify the authority of the President or a
department or agency of the Federal Government to protect and
control the dissemination of classified information,
intelligence sources and methods, and the national security
of the United States.
(e) Relationship to Other Laws.--Nothing in this Act or the
amendments made by this Act shall be construed to affect any
requirement under any other provision of law for a non-
Federal entity to provide information to the Federal
Government.
[[Page H2390]]
(f) Information Sharing Relationships.--Nothing in this Act
or the amendments made by this Act shall be construed--
(1) to limit or modify an existing information-sharing
relationship;
(2) to prohibit a new information-sharing relationship; or
(3) to require a new information-sharing relationship
between any non-Federal entity and the Federal Government.
(g) Preservation of Contractual Obligations and Rights.--
Nothing in this Act or the amendments made by this Act shall
be construed--
(1) to amend, repeal, or supersede any current or future
contractual agreement, terms of service agreement, or other
contractual relationship between any non-Federal entities, or
between any non-Federal entity and a Federal entity; or
(2) to abrogate trade secret or intellectual property
rights of any non-Federal entity or Federal entity.
(h) Anti-tasking Restriction.--Nothing in this Act or the
amendments made by this Act shall be construed to permit the
Federal Government--
(1) to require a non-Federal entity to provide information
to the Federal Government;
(2) to condition the sharing of a cyber threat indicator
with a non-Federal entity on such non-Federal entity's
provision of a cyber threat indicator to the Federal
Government; or
(3) to condition the award of any Federal grant, contract,
or purchase on the provision of a cyber threat indicator to a
Federal entity.
(i) No Liability for Non-participation.--Nothing in this
Act or the amendments made by this Act shall be construed to
subject any non-Federal entity to liability for choosing not
to engage in a voluntary activiy authorized in this Act and
the amendments made by this Act.
(j) Use and Retention of Information.--Nothing in this Act
or the amendments made by this Act shall be construed to
authorize, or to modify any existing authority of, a
department or agency of the Federal Government to retain or
use any information shared under this Act or the amendments
made by this Act for any use other than permitted in this Act
or the amendments made by this Act.
(k) Federal Preemption.--
(1) In general.--This Act and the amendments made by this
Act supersede any statute or other provision of law of a
State or political subdivision of a State that restricts or
otherwise expressly regulates an activity authorized under
this Act or the amendments made by this Act.
(2) State law enforcement.--Nothing in this Act or the
amendments made by this Act shall be construed to supersede
any statute or other provision of law of a State or political
subdivision of a State concerning the use of authorized law
enforcement practices and procedures.
(l) Regulatory Authority.--Nothing in this Act or the
amendments made by this Act shall be construed--
(1) to authorize the promulgation of any regulations not
specifically authorized by this Act or the amendments made by
this Act;
(2) to establish any regulatory authority not specifically
established under this Act or the amendments made by this
Act; or
(3) to authorize regulatory actions that would duplicate or
conflict with regulatory requirements, mandatory standards,
or related processes under another provision of Federal law.
SEC. 10. CONFORMING AMENDMENTS.
Section 552(b) of title 5, United States Code, is amended--
(1) in paragraph (8), by striking ``or'' at the end;
(2) in paragraph (9), by striking ``wells.'' and inserting
``wells; or''; and
(3) by inserting after paragraph (9) the following:
``(10) information shared with or provided to the Federal
Government pursuant to the Protecting Cyber Networks Act or
the amendments made by such Act.''.
SEC. 11. DEFINITIONS.
In this Act:
(1) Agency.--The term ``agency'' has the meaning given the
term in section 3502 of title 44, United States Code.
(2) Appropriate federal entities.--The term ``appropriate
Federal entities'' means the following:
(A) The Department of Commerce.
(B) The Department of Defense.
(C) The Department of Energy.
(D) The Department of Homeland Security.
(E) The Department of Justice.
(F) The Department of the Treasury.
(G) The Office of the Director of National Intelligence.
(3) Cybersecurity purpose.--The term ``cybersecurity
purpose'' means the purpose of protecting (including through
the use of a defensive measure) an information system or
information that is stored on, processed by, or transiting an
information system from a cybersecurity threat or security
vulnerability or identifying the source of a cybersecurity
threat.
(4) Cybersecurity threat.--
(A) In general.--Except as provided in subparagraph (B),
the term ``cybersecurity threat'' means an action, not
protected by the first amendment to the Constitution of the
United States, on or through an information system that may
result in an unauthorized effort to adversely impact the
security, confidentiality, integrity, or availability of an
information system or information that is stored on,
processed by, or transiting an information system.
(B) Exclusion.--The term ``cybersecurity threat'' does not
include any action that solely involves a violation of a
consumer term of service or a consumer licensing agreement.
(5) Cyber threat indicator.--The term ``cyber threat
indicator'' means information or a physical object that is
necessary to describe or identify--
(A) malicious reconnaissance, including anomalous patterns
of communications that appear to be transmitted for the
purpose of gathering technical information related to a
cybersecurity threat or security vulnerability;
(B) a method of defeating a security control or
exploitation of a security vulnerability;
(C) a security vulnerability, including anomalous activity
that appears to indicate the existence of a security
vulnerability;
(D) a method of causing a user with legitimate access to an
information system or information that is stored on,
processed by, or transiting an information system to
unwittingly enable the defeat of a security control or
exploitation of a security vulnerability;
(E) malicious cyber command and control;
(F) the actual or potential harm caused by an incident,
including a description of the information exfiltrated as a
result of a particular cybersecurity threat; or
(G) any other attribute of a cybersecurity threat, if
disclosure of such attribute is not otherwise prohibited by
law.
(6) Defensive measure.--The term ``defensive measure''
means an action, device, procedure, technique, or other
measure executed on an information system or information that
is stored on, processed by, or transiting an information
system that prevents or mitigates a known or suspected
cybersecurity threat or security vulnerability.
(7) Federal entity.--The term ``Federal entity'' means a
department or agency of the United States or any component of
such department or agency.
(8) Information system.--The term ``information system''--
(A) has the meaning given the term in section 3502 of title
44, United States Code; and
(B) includes industrial control systems, such as
supervisory control and data acquisition systems, distributed
control systems, and programmable logic controllers.
(9) Local government.--The term ``local government'' means
any borough, city, county, parish, town, township, village,
or other political subdivision of a State.
(10) Malicious cyber command and control.--The term
``malicious cyber command and control'' means a method for
unauthorized remote identification of, access to, or use of,
an information system or information that is stored on,
processed by, or transiting an information system.
(11) Malicious reconnaissance.--The term ``malicious
reconnaissance'' means a method for actively probing or
passively monitoring an information system for the purpose of
discerning security vulnerabilities of the information
system, if such method is associated with a known or
suspected cybersecurity threat.
(12) Monitor.--The term ``monitor'' means to acquire,
identify, scan, or otherwise possess information that is
stored on, processed by, or transiting an information system.
(13) Non-federal entity.--
(A) In general.--Except as otherwise provided in this
paragraph, the term ``non-Federal entity'' means any private
entity, non-Federal government department or agency, or
State, tribal, or local government (including a political
subdivision, department, officer, employee, or agent
thereof).
(B) Inclusions.--The term ``non-Federal entity'' includes a
government department or agency (including an officer,
employee, or agent thereof) of the District of Columbia, the
Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, the Virgin Islands, Guam,
American Samoa, the Northern Mariana Islands, and any other
territory or possession of the United States.
(C) Exclusion.--The term ``non-Federal entity'' does not
include a foreign power or known agent of a foreign power, as
both terms are defined in section 101 of the Foreign
Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978 (50 U.S.C. 1801).
(14) Private entity.--
(A) In general.--Except as otherwise provided in this
paragraph, the term ``private entity'' means any person or
private group, organization, proprietorship, partnership,
trust, cooperative, corporation, or other commercial or
nonprofit entity, including an officer, employee, or agent
thereof.
(B) Inclusion.--The term ``private entity'' includes a
component of a State, tribal, or local government performing
electric utility services.
(C) Exclusion.--The term ``private entity'' does not
include a foreign power as defined in section 101 of the
Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act of 1978 (50 U.S.C.
1801).
(15) Real time; real-time.--The terms ``real time'' and
``real-time'' mean a process by which an automated, machine-
to-machine system processes cyber threat indicators such that
the time in which the occurrence of an event and the
reporting or recording of it are as simultaneous as
technologically and operationally practicable.
(16) Security control.--The term ``security control'' means
the management, operational, and technical controls used to
protect against an unauthorized effort to adversely impact
the security, confidentiality, integrity, and availability of
an information system or its information.
(17) Security vulnerability.--The term ``security
vulnerability'' means any attribute of hardware, software,
process, or procedure that could enable or facilitate the
defeat of a security control.
(18) Tribal.--The term ``tribal'' has the meaning given the
term ``Indian tribe'' in section 4 of the Indian Self-
Determination and Education Assistance Act (25 U.S.C. 450b).
The Acting CHAIR. No amendment to the committee amendment in the
nature of a substitute shall be in order except those printed in part A
of House
[[Page H2391]]
Report 114-88. Each such amendment may be offered only in the order
printed in the report, by a Member designated in the report, shall be
considered read, shall be debatable for the time specified in the
report, equally divided and controlled by the proponent and an
opponent, shall not be subject to amendment, and shall not be subject
to a demand for division of the question.
{time} 1515
Amendment No. 1 Offered by Mr. Nunes
The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 1
printed in part A of House Report 114-88.
Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Page 5, beginning line 16, strike ``in accordance with''
and insert ``under''.
Page 9, line 2, strike ``and is limited to''.
Page 9, beginning line 14, strike ``the intentional or
reckless operation of any'' and insert ``a''.
Page 9, beginning line 17, strike ``substantially harms, or
initiates a new action, process, or procedure on'' and insert
``, or substantially harms''.
Page 12, beginning line 2, strike ``a non-Federal entity,
if authorized by applicable law or regulation other than this
Act, from sharing'' and insert ``otherwise lawful sharing by
a non-Federal entity of''.
Page 14, line 18, insert ``or defensive measure'' before
``shared''.
Page 23, line 19, strike ``section 3(c)(2)'' and insert
``this Act''.
Page 24, line 15, strike ``section 552(b)(3)(B)'' and
insert ``section 552(b)(3)''.
Page 25, line 13, insert ``investigating,'' after ``to,''.
Page 25, line 18, insert ``investigating, prosecuting,''
after ``to,''.
Page 27, line 23, strike ``subsection'' and insert
``section''.
Page 27, beginning line 24, strike ``of the violation'' and
all that follows through the period on page 28, line 2, and
insert the following: ``on which the cause of action
arises.''.
Page 28, line 4, strike ``subsection'' and insert
``section''.
Page 28, line 14, strike ``in good faith''.
Page 28, beginning line 22, strike ``in good faith''.
Page 33, line 16, insert ``of such Act'' before the
semicolon.
Page 33, line 19, insert ``of such Act'' before the period.
Page 38, line 20, strike ``threats,'' and insert the
following: ``threats to the national security and economy of
the United States,''.
Page 44, line 2, strike ``activiy'' and insert
``activity''.
Page 44, after line 23, insert the following:
(3) State regulation of utilities.--Except as provided by
section 3(d)(4)(B), nothing in this Act or the amendments
made by this Act shall be construed to supersede any statute,
regulation, or other provision of law of a State or political
subdivision of a State relating to the regulation of a
private entity performing utility services, except to the
extent such statute, regulation, or other provision of law
restricts activity authorized under this Act or the
amendments made by this Act.
Strike section 10.
Page 51, line 13, strike ``electric''.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 212, the gentleman
from California (Mr. Nunes) and a Member opposed each will control 5
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California.
Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, I offer this amendment to make certain
technical changes to the bill. These changes will align several
sections of the bill, including the authorization for the use of
defensive measures and the liability protections, with the Committee on
Homeland Security's bill, H.R. 1731.
The amendment also removes a direct amendment to the Freedom of
Information Act because the bill already contains a strong exemption of
cyber threat information and defensive measures from disclosure. The
change does not have a substantive effect on the exemption of cyber
threat information from disclosure laws.
The changes also reflect feedback we have received from our minority,
from the executive branch, from outside groups, and from other
committees of Congress. We want to make sure that the bill establishes
a workable system for companies and the government to share cyber
threat information and defensive measures.
I urge Members to support this technical and clarifying amendment,
and I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Chair, I claim the time in opposition, although I
am not opposed to the gentleman's amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. Without objection, the gentleman from California is
recognized for 5 minutes.
There was no objection.
Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Chair, the manager's amendment makes mostly
technical edits to the bill which advanced out of the Intelligence
Committee unanimously. These strong edits came from our close and
continuing consultations with outside groups and with the White House.
There is still work that remains to be done. In particular, we are
going to work, as the bill moves forward, on the liability section. In
order to benefit from the liability protection under the current
language, it is necessary for companies to strictly comply with the
act, which means sharing information only for a cybersecurity purpose
and taking reasonable efforts to remove private information before
sharing it.
I would support making further changes to the bill to make this
requirement even more clear. In particular, I think it would be
advantageous to strike what is, in my view, an unnecessary section on
the rule of construction pertaining to willful misconduct.
Striking the rule of construction will help further clarify the
intent of the bill, which is that liability protection is only
available if a company or other non-Federal entity shares cyber threat
information, for a cybersecurity purpose, and only after it takes
reasonable steps to remove private information not directly related to
the cybersecurity threat.
That is the intention of the bill, and I think striking that section
will make it more clear. If a company acts unreasonably--let alone
recklessly or willfully--in following these requirements, it does not
get liability protection, nor should it.
That is the right result, and we have to be careful not to create any
confusion about there being any immunity for people or for companies
acting willfully, recklessly, or even unreasonably in disregarding
private information or the requirement that it be extricated.
The manager's amendment makes positive technical changes. There are
further changes that I would like to see as the bill moves forward.
Confusion in any section of the bill, particularly as it pertains to
liability, means litigation, and litigation means costs, so I think
there is further work for us to do to make it even more clear.
In sum, I support the technical and substantive changes made in the
manager's amendment, and I urge my colleagues to do the same. I join
the chairman in urging support for the manager's amendment.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, as I have no other speakers, I urge my
colleagues to support this amendment.
I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from California (Mr. Nunes).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment No. 2 Offered by Mr. Caardenas
The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 2
printed in part A of House Report 114-88.
Mr. CAARDENAS. Madam Chair, I am here to present my amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Page 15, after line 7, insert the following:
(f) Small Business Participation.--
(1) Assistance.--The Administrator of the Small Business
Administration shall provide assistance to small businesses
and small financial institutions to monitor information and
information systems, operate defensive measures, and share
and receive cyber threat indicators and defensive measures
under this section
(2) Report.--Not later than one year after the date of the
enactment of this Act, the Administrator of the Small
Business Administration shall submit to the President a
report on the degree to which small businesses and small
financial institutions are able to engage in cyber threat
information sharing under this section. Such report shall
include the recommendations of the Administrator for
improving the ability of such businesses and institutions to
engage in cyber threat information sharing and to use shared
information to defend their networks.
(3) Outreach.--The Federal Government shall conduct
outreach to small businesses and small financial institutions
to encourage such businesses and institutions to exercise
their authority under this section.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 212, the gentleman
[[Page H2392]]
from California (Mr. Caardenas) and a Member opposed each will control
5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from California.
Mr. CAARDENAS. Madam Chair, I rise today to speak in support of my
amendment to H.R. 1560.
I applaud the managers of this legislation for all of their hard
work. I understand the difficult balance that must be struck in this
important debate, and I thank the committee for the opportunity to have
my amendment considered today.
Madam Chair, this amendment will protect national security by
starting from the ground up in protecting our smallest of businesses.
Cyber attacks are a real threat to our economy and national security.
Hackers will look for the most vulnerable in the supply chain to
exploit their security. This is why we must make sure any legislation
related to cybersecurity places small businesses at the forefront of
our security planning.
By doing this, we will be protecting customers and businesses up and
down the supply chain, which will defend our economy, as a whole, from
being attacked.
The amendment will ensure that the SBA will assist small businesses
and small financial institutions in participating in the programs under
this bill, and it will make sure the Federal Government performs
outreach to small businesses and to small financial institutions.
This is a commonsense provision that addresses the issues that are
critical to ensuring the security of our cyberspace and of our economic
well-being now and into the future.
Small businesses are increasingly becoming the target of cyber
criminals as larger companies increase their protections, so we need to
arm them with the information and technical assistance they need to
create effective plans to thwart these attacks and intrusions.
On a personal note, I once owned a small business myself. I left my
bigger, corporate job to start a small business in my local community
and employ people I grew up with. Washington is a faraway place for
many small businesses in our country. The laws here can seem
disconnected. The issues can be brushed off as someone else's problem.
That is why it is essential that, today and moving forward on all of
these cybersecurity debates, that we make sure we have programs in
place to work with and to educate our small businesses and that we
understand that, every time one of these small businesses is
successfully attacked and breached, it is a possibility that it could
go under, losing those local jobs. I think this is a commonsense
amendment.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, I claim the time in opposition, although I am
not opposed to the amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. Without objection, the gentleman from California is
recognized for 5 minutes.
There was no objection.
Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, I want to thank the gentleman from California
for bringing forward this thoughtful amendment. He worked closely with
the committee to ensure that the language did not disrupt the intent of
the bill. I am prepared to accept the amendment.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. CAARDENAS. Madam Chair, I yield the balance of my time to the
gentleman from California (Mr. Schiff).
Mr. SCHIFF. I thank the gentleman, my colleague, for yielding.
Madam Chair, for a large business, a cyber attack can be costly and
damaging. For a small business, a cyber attack can be fatal, wiping out
a family's dream or a lifetime of work in a few clicks of a mouse.
Small businesses and small financial institutions also don't have the
large legal shops that are sometimes necessary to keep up with the
latest changes or regulations coming from Washington.
That is why I am so pleased that my California colleague offered this
important amendment. While I don't expect that any sharing mechanism
will ultimately be costly to maintain or to access, there will be some
costs, especially in the early stages of implementation, and there will
be some new procedures to navigate.
This amendment will help put the reach and authority of the Small
Business Administration in the service of cybersecurity by having the
agency assist in the rollout of cyber threat information sharing.
It is an important addition to the bill. I thank the gentleman for
raising the issue, and I urge my colleagues to support it.
Mr. CAARDENAS. I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from California (Mr. Caardenas).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment No. 3 Offered by Mr. Carson of Indiana
The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 3
printed in part A of House Report 114-88.
Mr. CARSON of Indiana. Madam Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Page 37, after line 16, insert the following new clause:
(v) A review of the current procedures pertaining to the
sharing of information, removal procedures for personal
information or information identifying a specific person, and
any incidents pertaining to the improper treatment of such
information.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 212, the gentleman
from Indiana (Mr. Carson) and a Member opposed each will control 5
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from Indiana.
Mr. CARSON of Indiana. Madam Chair, I proudly supported this bill
when we marked it in the Intelligence Committee. I am only bringing up
this amendment today to address a basic transparency concern raised by
my constituents after the markup, that the cybersecurity threat posed
to our government, to our businesses, and to our personal information
is massive and is growing every day.
This bill provides important tools to ensure that the lessons learned
from a breach of one company can help strengthen the security of
others. As a result, your Social Security and credit card numbers will
be better protected.
Madam Chair, as someone who opposed CISPA last year, I feel like this
iteration is a major first step forward in privacy protection and
transparency. I am particularly happy with the robust protections of
personally identifiable information.
Unlike past iterations, this bill mandates that cyber threat
information is scanned and that personal information is removed not
once, but twice, before it can be transmitted to other Federal
agencies.
I am pleased, Madam Chair, that companies will share their cyber
threat information with a civilian agency and not directly with the
intelligence community. I am also happy that additional limitations are
placed on the ways that cyber threat information can be utilized.
For all of the benefits of this bill, the American people still--
rightfully so--expect oversight that is consistent and comprehensive.
That is what this amendment is all about. It strengthens the oversight
of the inspector general's monitoring of this kind of information
sharing.
Now, with this amendment, the inspector general will oversee and
report on the process for information-sharing procedures, for removing
personal information, and any incidence in which this information was
treated improperly.
It will ensure Congress and the public that sharing is happening
properly and that the public is being protected. I hope that my good
Republican colleagues will support this amendment.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, I claim the time in opposition, although I am
not opposed to the amendment.
The Acting CHAIR. Without objection, the gentleman from California is
recognized for 5 minutes.
There was no objection.
Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, I want to thank the gentleman. He is a member
of the Intelligence Committee and has played a very productive and
constructive role. As he said, his constituents have brought these
concerns to him. He worked with the ranking member and
[[Page H2393]]
me, and we are prepared to accept the amendment.
I yield back the balance of my time.
{time} 1530
Mr. CARSON of Indiana. Madam Chair, I yield 2 minutes to the
gentleman from California (Mr. Schiff), my good friend.
Mr. SCHIFF. I thank the gentleman for yielding.
Madam Chair, this is Mr. Carson's first year on the committee, and I
appreciate his dedicated service and the interest he has taken in
oversight of the intelligence community. He brings a background in law
enforcement, which is a very welcome addition to our committee, and
joins other colleagues with a very similar background.
He has worked closely with us to make privacy improvements throughout
the process. I support his efforts here again to make a good bill even
better. Mr. Carson's amendment would include a requirement to make sure
the critical dual privacy scrub is working the way it should. This is
very important. It is at the core of our bill and at the core of our
efforts to protect privacy. So we must monitor how these requirements
are working and support transparent reporting to make sure that they
are working as intended.
I support the amendment and urge my colleagues to do the same.
Mr. CARSON of Indiana. I thank Chairman Nunes and Ranking Member
Schiff once again for their support in helping to keep our communities
safer, but I still want to thank my Republican colleagues for
supporting this amendment, and I thank them for their friendship. As a
new member of the committee, Madam Chair, I have greatly appreciated
the guidance--bipartisan guidance, if you will.
Every Member of this House, Madam Chair, has heard from constituents
who are concerned about government surveillance and overreach. After
everything we have heard about bulk collection over the last few years,
the American people are right to be concerned about new authorities to
collect data.
As the text plainly and repeatedly states, this is not a surveillance
bill. We have protections in place to ensure that the intelligence
community cannot collect and utilize your personal data. This amendment
simply ensures that Congress and the public get to see this sharing
process and see how it works if these protections happen to fail. I
urge support for this amendment and the underlying bill.
I yield back the balance of my time, Madam Chair.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from Indiana (Mr. Carson).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment No. 4 Offered by Mr. Mulvaney
The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 4
printed in part A of House Report 114-88.
Mr. MULVANEY. I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Add at the end the following new section:
SEC. 12. SUNSET.
This Act and the amendments made by this Act shall
terminate on the date that is seven years after the date of
the enactment of this Act.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 212, the gentleman
from South Carolina (Mr. Mulvaney) and a Member opposed each will
control 5 minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentleman from South Carolina.
Mr. MULVANEY. Madam Chair, I thank the chairman of the committee for
the opportunity to present the amendment here today.
Very briefly, I will talk about the genesis of this amendment, which
is very simple, by the way. It adds a 7-year sunset to all the
provisions of the bill.
Madam Chair, in going through the review of this bill, it occurred to
me that this was a really close call. There were folks whom I respect
with a great deal of credibility who reached out to me and said: Look,
here are the difficulties with this bill and why we should defeat this
bill. At the same time, there are a lot of folks for whom I have a
great deal of respect and have a great deal of credibility in the
industry who also reached out to me and said: Look, this is a very
serious problem. Here are the good things in the bill, and here is why
you should support it.
It is probably not unusual that we have that circumstance before us
where it is a close call. We are balancing two very critical things:
security--specifically, cybersecurity--on one hand, and privacy,
liberty interests, on the other. It is a balancing act that we are
called on to do many, many times here in Washington, D.C.
As I was going through the bill, taking input from both sides of the
argument, it occurred to me: All right, what if we have got it wrong?
What if we have the balancing act wrong? Sure, we can go back in and
fix it at some point in the future, some indeterminate time in the
future; but face it, this is a busy place, with a lot of bills
demanding attention on any given day in Congress.
Wouldn't it be nice to have something hardwired into the bill that
would force Congress at some point in the future to come back and say:
Okay. A couple years back, here is what we did on cybersecurity. Is it
working? Did we get it right? Is the balance between security and
privacy one that is serving both of those very important interests
correctly?
We sat down to talk amongst some of my colleagues about the amount of
time that was necessary. Madam Chair, 7 years is a long time to have a
sunset provision in a bill. It came to my attention, though, given the
complexities, the complexities of the systems necessary to be put in
place in order to implement the programs in the bill, that 7 years was
the appropriate level of time.
I am glad that we have sunset provisions in other pieces of
legislation. I doubt very seriously we would be having serious
discussions right now about things as important as the PATRIOT Act if a
sunset provision was not hardwired into the bill. Maybe we should
consider adding these to every single piece of legislation for just the
same reason: to force us from time to time to see if what we thought we
were doing several years ago was really as good an idea as we thought
it was several years ago. So that was the intention.
That is the genesis of this amendment--again, very simple, a 7-year
sunset provision. I hope my colleagues will see fit to support it.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, I rise in opposition to this amendment,
although I appreciate my colleague's concern.
The Acting CHAIR. The gentleman from California is recognized for 5
minutes.
Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, my friend from South Carolina, I think, is
very thoughtful in his approach in wanting sunset provisions in many
laws that pass this body, and I think that is correct on major pieces
of legislation, especially involving government bureaucracies, the
creation of government bureaucracies, and the implementation of
regulation.
I would just make a few important points that I think this bill is
very different because this is a voluntary bill. It is also legislation
that, because of the liability protections that are in this bill, if
you have a sunset clause in it--and part of the reason why the other
amendments that were made out of order and this one was made in order,
because it was the longest time, with the 7 years, as the gentleman
said--it is tough for a company to design, build, get in the process of
preparing how they are going to share this information company to
company, and I am afraid that even though this is 7 years, will
companies make the investment terms of being willing to actually share?
Then, if this expires, what happens with the trial lawyers that would
then come after the fact when the Congress doesn't act with information
that is sitting out there that no longer has the protections?
This is actually why, back when the last version of this legislation
was up last Congress, we made several changes since then, and we have
many more supporters since that time because of the changes we have
made to make sure that we have scrubbed private data, to make sure this
doesn't go to any government agency, to make sure that it is voluntary,
all of the steps that we have taken. But because of the trial lawyer
component and the liability being left open, this is why groups
[[Page H2394]]
like Heritage, in the last Congress, opposed an amendment just like
this.
We would like to work with the gentleman and his colleagues on this,
but I would ask if he would be willing to maybe work with us in a
potential conference or possibly down the road, if it might be
appropriate. I hate to oppose this amendment because he is my good
friend, but I want to try to see if he might be willing to withdraw and
work with us when we get to a conference on a reasonable solution to
this.
I reserve the balance of my time.
Mr. MULVANEY. I will respond in a couple of different ways.
Under ordinary circumstances, Madam Chair, I might consider
withdrawing the amendment, but I think we are here today under a
somewhat extraordinary rule. I do appreciate the chairman's genuineness
in his request because we have worked very closely together on other
matters in the past. I look forward to working with him on other
matters in the future. I consider him to be a good friend and
colleague. But because of the nature of the joint rule, if this bill
passes and the bill that is being offered by the Homeland Security
Committee tomorrow passes as well, my understanding is those two bills
will then be merged. I have a similar amendment, Madam Chair, tomorrow
to Mr. McCaul's bill, so I am not really sure if even withdrawing at
this point would accomplish the necessary end that you seek. I will
politely decline your request, and respectfully so.
I will point out, my good friend does mention an interesting part of
my history here in Washington, D.C. When I offered a similar amendment
to, I believe, the PATRIOT Act a couple years back, The Heritage
Foundation did oppose it. It always makes me smile, Madam Chair, when I
remember going through that conversation with my friends over at The
Heritage Foundation, and I had to send them a copy of Ed Feulner's own
book. Ed, of course, is one of the founding members of The Heritage
Foundation, and the last chapter is an exhortation to please include a
sunset provision in every single piece of Federal legislation. Again,
that just sort of makes me smile.
With all due respect due to the chairman, both as the chair of the
committee and a Member of this body and a friend of mine, I will
politely decline his request.
I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. NUNES. I now yield 1 minute to the gentleman from Texas (Mr.
Farenthold).
Mr. FARENTHOLD. I appreciate the chairman yielding time to me, even
though I am in support of this amendment.
Madam Chair, we need this legislation because our companies, our
industries, our government, and even our individual citizens are under
attack by foreign cyber hackers, under attack from criminals. We need
the cooperation between the government and the private sector, but
unfortunately we have seen that well-meaning folks in the government
sometimes get a little overzealous in their data collection we don't
always see.
For instance, section 215 of the PATRIOT Act, we saw in the Snowden
revelations that every bit of metadata on phones was being collected.
We didn't know that when we passed the PATRIOT Act. Now we have an
opportunity to put a backstop in place where we can take a look a few
years down the road and make sure this isn't being misinterpreted, not
in line with congressional intent, and not in line with the
Constitution. This backstop, this sunset, is a critical piece of the
bill. The bill is not perfect, but this makes it a whole lot better and
gives us a second bite at the apple should things be going wrong.
I appreciate your yielding.
Mr. NUNES. Madam Chair, I am prepared to close.
I would just say that I hate to have to oppose this amendment because
I think my colleagues are offering it in good faith, with good
intentions. However, it is a voluntary program. As I said,
cybersecurity is going to continue to be an ever-increasing problem and
challenge, and the last thing we want to do is put a backstop in to
where companies or private citizens are afraid to share the information
with each other because they are afraid of being sued by some trial
lawyer down the road.
Like I said, I hate to oppose the amendment, but I will have to
oppose the amendment and urge my colleagues to vote ``no.''
I yield back the balance of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Mulvaney).
The question was taken; and the Acting Chair announced that the noes
appeared to have it.
Mr. MULVANEY. Madam Chair, I demand a recorded vote.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, further
proceedings on the amendment offered by the gentleman from South
Carolina will be postponed.
Amendment No. 5 Offered by Ms. Jackson Lee
The Acting CHAIR. It is now in order to consider amendment No. 5
printed in part A of House Report 114-88.
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Chair, I have an amendment at the desk.
The Acting CHAIR. The Clerk will designate the amendment.
The text of the amendment is as follows:
Add at the end the following:
SEC. 12. COMPTROLLER GENERAL REPORT ON REMOVAL OF PERSONAL
IDENTIFYING INFORMATION.
(a) Report.--Not later than three years after the date of
the enactment of this Act, the Comptroller General of the
United States shall submit to Congress a report on the
actions taken by the Federal Government to remove personal
information from cyber threat indicators pursuant to section
4(b).
(b) Form.--The report under subsection (a) shall be
submitted in unclassified form, but may include a classified
annex.
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to House Resolution 212, the gentlewoman
from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee) and a Member opposed each will control 5
minutes.
The Chair recognizes the gentlewoman from Texas.
{time} 1545
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Chair, I thank the manager and the chairman
and ranking member of the House Intelligence Committee for their
service and leadership.
I offer this amendment that I believe will answer a question that has
been raised by many Members but really has bipartisan support.
This amendment is offered as a Jackson Lee-Polis amendment, and the
specifics of it say:
``Not later than three years after the date of the enactment of this
Act, the Comptroller General of the United States shall submit to
Congress a report on the actions taken by the Federal Government to
remove personal information from cyber threat indicators pursuant to
section 4(b).''
Again, this relates to the concern that many of us will hear over and
over again from our constituents.
In the world of hacking and mistakes and misdirection and unfairness
and terrorism, it is important to secure this Nation and to be able to
have the right information.
As I serve as a member of the Homeland Security Committee, I believe
we have to have information to thwart terrorist acts and protect the
homeland.
But there is a public benefit to my amendment. This amendment will
provide the public assurance from a reliable and trustworthy source
that their privacy and civil liberties are not being compromised.
We are a State and a Nation born out of the existence of the Bill of
Rights. Along with the Constitution, it has framed a democracy, but it
has also framed the preciousness of individual rights and privacy. I
offer this amendment, again, to emphasize the importance of privacy
that is so very important.
The Jackson Lee-Polis amendment provides, again, for a Government
Accountability Act report to Congress on the actions taken by the
Federal Government to remove personal information from data shared
through the programs established by this statute.
The intent of the report, as indicated, is to provide Congress with
information regarding the effectiveness of protecting the privacy of
Americans.
Again, this amendment would result in the sole external report on the
privacy and civil liberties impact of the programs created under this
bill.
Privacy is of great concern to the American people. I know that
because, as we were doing the Patriot Act in the
[[Page H2395]]
shadow of the heinous acts of 9/11, I will tell you that large voices
were raised, particularly out of the Judiciary Committee and in working
with the Intelligence Committee, about the issues of privacy. Americans
understand that.
Privacy is of great concern to the American public. Privacy involves
the handling and protection of personal information. And as well, when
personal information is improperly accessed, used, or abused, it can
cause financial and personal harm to those whose data is involved.
Madam Chair, may I ask how much time is remaining?
The Acting CHAIR. The gentlewoman from Texas has 2 minutes remaining.
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Chair, I ask my colleagues to support the
Jackson Lee amendment.
I yield 2 minutes to the gentleman from California (Mr. Schiff), the
distinguished ranking member.
Mr. SCHIFF. Madam Chair, I thank the gentlewoman from Texas and the
gentleman from Colorado for their amendment, and I am happy to support
it.
We create a lot of law in this body, and it is absolutely necessary
that we establish reporting mechanisms that allow us to measure the
effectiveness of the work that we do here. This is an amendment that
will do just that.
By requiring regular reports on the operation of the sharing
mechanism that we are creating today, we can determine whether it is
working as intended or whether it needs to be tweaked or changed to be
more effective. We must always ensure that the government is fulfilling
its obligation under this bill to remove personal information.
Again, I want to thank Sheila Jackson Lee, as well as the gentleman
from Colorado, for their efforts. I support the amendment.
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Madam Chair, how much time is remaining?
The Acting CHAIR. The gentlewoman from Texas has 45 seconds
remaining.
Ms. JACKSON LEE. Thank you, Madam Chair.
Let me quickly say that a report on consumer views on the privacy
issue published by the Pew Center found that a majority of adults
surveyed felt that their privacy is being challenged along such core
dimensions as the security of their personal information and their
ability to retain confidentiality.
It is for this reason that I believe the Jackson Lee amendment, in
conjunction with the underlying legislation, H.R. 1560, will be an
added asset to ensure that the personal data, privacy, and civil
liberties of Americans are protected.
Madam Chair, I offer my thanks to Chairman Nunes, and Ranking Member
Schiff for their leadership and work on H.R. 1560.
The bipartisan work done by the House Select Committee on
Intelligence resulted in H.R. 1560 being brought before the House for
consideration.
I offer acknowledgement to Congressman Polis in joining me in
sponsoring this amendment.
The Jackson Lee-Polis Amendment to H.R. 1560 is simple and would
improve the bill.
Jackson Lee Amendment designated #5 on the list of amendments
approved for H.R. 1560:
The Jackson Lee-Polis Amendment provides for a Government
Accountability Office (GAO) report to Congress on the actions taken by
the Federal Government to remove personal information from data shared
through the programs established by this statute.
The intent of the report is to provide Congress with information
regarding the effectiveness of protecting the privacy of Americans.
This amendment would result in the sole external report on the
privacy and civil liberties impact of the programs created under this
bill.
Privacy is of great concern to the American public.
Privacy involves the handling and protection of personal information
that individuals provide in the course of everyday commercial
transactions.
When personal information is improperly accessed, used, or abused it
can cause financial and personal harm to the people whose data is
involved.
A report on consumer views on their privacy published by the Pew
Center found that a majority of adults surveyed felt that their privacy
is being challenged along such core dimensions as the security of their
personal information and their ability to retain confidentiality.
For this reason, the Jackson Lee amendment providing an independent
report to the public on how their privacy and civil liberties are
treated under the implementation of this bill is important.
I ask that my colleagues on both sides of the aisle support this
amendment.
I ask that the amendment be supported, and I yield back the balance
of my time.
The Acting CHAIR. The question is on the amendment offered by the
gentlewoman from Texas (Ms. Jackson Lee).
The amendment was agreed to.
Amendment No. 4 Offered by Mr. Mulvaney
The Acting CHAIR. Pursuant to clause 6 of rule XVIII, the unfinished
business is the demand for a recorded vote on the amendment offered by
the gentleman from South Carolina (Mr. Mulvaney) on which further
proceedings were postponed and on which the noes prevailed by voice
vote.
The Clerk will redesignate the amendment.
The Clerk redesignated the amendment.
Recorded Vote
The Acting CHAIR. A recorded vote has been demanded.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 313,
noes 110, not voting 8, as follows:
[Roll No. 168]
AYES--313
Adams
Aguilar
Allen
Amash
Ashford
Babin
Barton
Bass
Beatty
Becerra
Bera
Beyer
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (UT)
Black
Blum
Blumenauer
Bonamici
Bost
Boyle, Brendan F.
Brady (PA)
Brat
Bridenstine
Brooks (AL)
Brown (FL)
Brownley (CA)
Buchanan
Buck
Burgess
Bustos
Butterfield
Byrne
Capps
Capuano
Caardenas
Carney
Carson (IN)
Carter (GA)
Cartwright
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chabot
Chaffetz
Chu, Judy
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Clawson (FL)
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Cole
Collins (GA)
Connolly
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Courtney
Cramer
Crowley
Cummings
Davis (CA)
DeFazio
DeGette
Delaney
DeLauro
DelBene
Denham
DeSantis
DeSaulnier
DesJarlais
Deutch
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle, Michael F.
Duckworth
Duffy
Duncan (SC)
Duncan (TN)
Edwards
Ellison
Ellmers (NC)
Emmer (MN)
Engel
Eshoo
Esty
Farenthold
Farr
Fattah
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fleming
Flores
Forbes
Fortenberry
Foster
Foxx
Frankel (FL)
Franks (AZ)
Fudge
Gabbard
Gallego
Garamendi
Garrett
Gibbs
Gibson
Gohmert
Goodlatte
Gosar
Gowdy
Graham
Granger
Graves (GA)
Graves (LA)
Grayson
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Griffith
Grijalva
Grothman
Guinta
Gutieerrez
Hahn
Hanna
Harris
Heck (WA)
Hensarling
Herrera Beutler
Hice, Jody B.
Higgins
Himes
Hinojosa
Honda
Hoyer
Huelskamp
Huffman
Huizenga (MI)
Hultgren
Hunter
Hurt (VA)
Issa
Jackson Lee
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson (OH)
Johnson, E. B.
Jolly
Jones
Jordan
Joyce
Kaptur
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilmer
Kind
King (IA)
Kline
Kuster
Labrador
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Latta
Lawrence
Lee
Levin
Lewis
Lieu, Ted
Lipinski
Loebsack
Lofgren
Loudermilk
Love
Lowenthal
Lowey
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Lujan Grisham (NM)
Lujaan, Ben Ray (NM)
Lummis
Lynch
Maloney, Sean
Marchant
Massie
Matsui
McClintock
McCollum
McDermott
McGovern
McMorris Rodgers
McNerney
Meadows
Meeks
Meng
Miller (FL)
Mooney (WV)
Moore
Moulton
Mullin
Mulvaney
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Neugebauer
Noem
Nolan
Norcross
Nugent
O'Rourke
Palazzo
Pallone
Palmer
Pascrell
Paulsen
Payne
Pearce
Pelosi
Perlmutter
Perry
Peters
Peterson
Pingree
Pitts
Pocan
Poe (TX)
Polis
Posey
Price (NC)
Price, Tom
Quigley
Rangel
Ribble
Rice (NY)
Rice (SC)
Richmond
Rigell
Roe (TN)
Rohrabacher
Rokita
Ross
Rothfus
Rouzer
Roybal-Allard
Ruiz
Rush
Russell
Salmon
Saanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sanford
Sarbanes
Scalise
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schrader
Schweikert
Scott (VA)
Scott, Austin
Scott, David
Serrano
Sessions
Sewell (AL)
Sherman
Sires
Slaughter
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Speier
Stefanik
Stutzman
Swalwell (CA)
Takai
Takano
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Thompson (PA)
Tipton
Titus
Tonko
Torres
Tsongas
Van Hollen
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Velaazquez
Visclosky
Walker
Walorski
Walz
Waters, Maxine
Watson Coleman
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Welch
[[Page H2396]]
Westerman
Williams
Wilson (FL)
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Yarmuth
Yoder
Yoho
Zeldin
Zinke
NOES--110
Abraham
Aderholt
Amodei
Barletta
Barr
Benishek
Bishop (MI)
Blackburn
Boustany
Brooks (IN)
Bucshon
Calvert
Carter (TX)
Coffman
Collins (NY)
Comstock
Conaway
Cook
Costello (PA)
Crawford
Crenshaw
Cuellar
Culberson
Davis, Danny
Davis, Rodney
Dent
Diaz-Balart
Dold
Fincher
Frelinghuysen
Guthrie
Hardy
Harper
Hartzler
Heck (NV)
Hill
Holding
Hudson
Hurd (TX)
Israel
Jenkins (KS)
Jenkins (WV)
Johnson, Sam
Katko
Kelly (PA)
King (NY)
Kinzinger (IL)
Kirkpatrick
Knight
Lance
LoBiondo
Long
MacArthur
Maloney, Carolyn
Marino
McCarthy
McCaul
McHenry
McKinley
McSally
Meehan
Messer
Mica
Miller (MI)
Moolenaar
Murphy (PA)
Newhouse
Nunes
Pittenger
Poliquin
Pompeo
Ratcliffe
Reed
Reichert
Renacci
Roby
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rooney (FL)
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Royce
Ruppersberger
Ryan (OH)
Ryan (WI)
Sensenbrenner
Shimkus
Shuster
Simpson
Sinema
Stewart
Stivers
Thornberry
Tiberi
Trott
Turner
Upton
Valadao
Wagner
Walberg
Walden
Walters, Mimi
Wenstrup
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Womack
Woodall
Young (AK)
Young (IA)
Young (IN)
NOT VOTING--8
Brady (TX)
Curbelo (FL)
Graves (MO)
Hastings
Murphy (FL)
Olson
Smith (WA)
Wasserman Schultz
{time} 1620
Messrs. ISRAEL, FINCHER, CALVERT, RYAN of Wisconsin, TURNER, SAM
JOHNSON of Texas, Mrs. CAROLYN B. MALONEY of New York, Messrs. ABRAHAM,
and RUPPERSBERGER changed their vote from ``aye'' to ``no.''
Ms. ADAMS, Mr. MILLER of Florida, Ms. PELOSI, Mses. EDWARDS, LORETTA
SANCHEZ of California, Messrs. ROHRABACHER, CARNEY, ZELDIN, ROSS,
RICHMOND, Mses. MATSUI, STEFANIK, Messrs. SIRES, CROWLEY, Mses.
SCHAKOWSKY, DeGETTE, TITUS, Messrs. JOYCE, SEAN PATRICK MALONEY of New
York, VEASEY, Mses. BROWNLEY of California, LEE, and Mr. PETERSON
changed their vote from ``no'' to ``aye.''
So the amendment was agreed to.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
The Acting CHAIR (Mr. Thompson of Pennsylvania). The question is on
the committee amendment in the nature of a substitute, as amended.
The amendment was agreed to.
The Acting CHAIR. Under the rule, the Committee rises.
Accordingly, the Committee rose; and the Speaker pro tempore (Mr.
Hultgren) having assumed the chair, Mr. Thompson of Pennsylvania,
Acting Chair of the Committee of the Whole House on the state of the
Union, reported that that Committee, having had under consideration the
bill (H.R. 1560) to improve cybersecurity in the United States through
enhanced sharing of information about cybersecurity threats, and for
other purposes, and, pursuant to House Resolution 212, he reported the
bill back to the House with an amendment adopted in the Committee of
the Whole.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Under the rule, the previous question is
ordered.
Is a separate vote demanded on any amendment to the amendment
reported from the Committee of the Whole?
If not, the question is on the committee amendment in the nature of a
substitute, as amended.
The amendment was agreed to.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the engrossment and third
reading of the bill.
The bill was ordered to be engrossed and read a third time, and was
read the third time.
Motion to Recommit
Miss RICE of New York. Mr. Speaker, I have a motion to recommit at
the desk.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is the gentlewoman opposed to the bill?
Miss RICE of New York. I am opposed to it in its current form.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The Clerk will report the motion to
recommit.
The Clerk read as follows:
Miss Rice of New York moves to recommit the bill H.R. 1560
to the Select Committee on Intelligence (Permanent Select)
with instructions to report the same back to the House
forthwith, with the following amendment:
Page 22, line 14, strike ``and''.
Page 22, line 16, strike the period and insert a semicolon.
Page 22, after line 16, insert the following:
``(6) to prevent a terrorist attack against the United
States, ensure that the appropriate departments and agencies
of the Federal Government prioritize the sharing of cyber
threat indicators regarding known terrorist organizations
(including the Islamic State, al Qaeda, al Qaeda in the
Arabian Peninsula, and Boko Haram) with respect to--
``(A) cyberattacks;
``(B) the recruitment of homegrown terrorists by such
terrorist organizations; and
``(C) travel by persons to and from foreign countries in
which such terrorist organizations are based or provide
training (including Syria, Iraq, Yemen, Afghanistan, and
Nigeria); and
``(7) to prevent the intelligence and military capability
of the United States from being improperly transferred to any
foreign country, terrorist organization, or state sponsor of
terrorism, ensure that the appropriate departments and
agencies of the Federal Government prioritize the sharing of
cyber threat indicators regarding attempts to steal the
military technology of the United States by state-sponsored
computer hackers from the People's Republic of China and
other foreign countries.''.
Mr. NUNES (during the reading). Mr. Speaker, I ask unanimous consent
to dispense with the reading.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Is there objection to the request of the
gentleman from California?
There was no objection.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to the rule, the gentlewoman is
recognized for 5 minutes in support of her motion.
Miss RICE of New York. Mr. Speaker, this is the final amendment to
the bill, which will not kill the bill or send it back to committee. If
adopted, the bill will immediately proceed to final passage, as
amended.
Mr. Speaker, the most important job we have is to protect the
American homeland and the American people. The threats against our
country are ceaseless and constantly evolving, and we too must evolve
and adapt in our efforts to maintain the domestic security that the
American people have entrusted us to uphold.
Passing H.R. 1560 will be a significant step forward in that effort.
Our Nation's cyber infrastructure is under attack every single day from
hackers, from foreign nations, and from terrorists. I believe H.R. 1560
will strengthen our government's ability to coordinate with companies
in the private sector, share intelligence, and respond to these
threats, but I also believe the legislation should be stronger.
We know that foreign nations and terrorist organizations are actively
seeking to steal American military intelligence and technology, and we
know that terrorists are using the Internet to spread their poisonous
ideology, recruit American citizens to join their ranks, and encourage
attacks here in America. Just this week, six Minnesota men were
arrested after trying to travel to Syria to join the Islamic State.
Last week, authorities arrested an Ohio man who actually trained with a
terrorist group in Syria and returned to the U.S., intent on carrying
out an attack on our soil. Earlier this month, two women in my home
State of New York were arrested for planning to detonate a bomb in New
York City.
Mr. Speaker, this amendment will help prevent a domestic terror
attack by allowing Federal agencies to coordinate and prioritize the
sharing of cyber threat intelligence regarding known terrorist
organizations like the Islamic State, Boko Haram, al Shabaab, and al
Qaeda and its affiliates, groups that use the Internet and social media
as a weapon in their efforts to attack the United States and the
American people. Likewise, this amendment will direct Federal agencies
to prioritize the sharing of intelligence regarding attempts by
terrorists and foreign nations to steal American military technology.
This amendment will help protect our Nation and the people we serve.
I have no doubt that that is the highest priority for my colleagues on
both sides of the aisle, so we must also make it a priority to
neutralize these threats and do all that we can to thwart the violent
ambitions of those who want to do us harm.
Again, Mr. Speaker, I believe H.R. 1560 is important legislation that
deserves bipartisan support, but I believe this amendment deserves the
same. It
[[Page H2397]]
will make the legislation stronger, make the American people safer, and
I urge my colleagues on both sides of the aisle to give it their full
support.
Mr. Speaker, I yield back the balance of my time.
Mr. NUNES. Mr. Speaker, I rise in opposition to the motion to
recommit.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The gentleman from California is recognized
for 5 minutes.
Mr. NUNES. Mr. Speaker, this motion to recommit is nothing more than
a poison pill designed to destroy the years of work that have gone into
crafting this legislation.
The bill already does exactly what the motion to recommit purposes.
It helps the American people defend themselves against hackers from
countries like China, Russia, Iran, North Korea, and other terrorist
groups.
While we stand here and continue to debate this problem, our country
is under attack from hackers who steal our intellectual property,
pilfer our personal information, and target our national security
interests.
I urge my colleagues to vote ``no'' on the motion to recommit and
``yes'' on final passage.
I yield back the balance of my time.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Without objection, the previous question is
ordered on the motion to recommit.
There was no objection.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the motion to recommit.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the noes appeared to have it.
Recorded Vote
Miss RICE of New York. Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. Pursuant to clause 9 of rule XX, this 5-
minute vote on the motion to recommit will be followed by a 5-minute
vote on the passage of the bill, if ordered.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 183,
noes 239, not voting 9, as follows:
[Roll No. 169]
AYES--183
Adams
Aguilar
Ashford
Bass
Beatty
Becerra
Bera
Beyer
Bishop (GA)
Blumenauer
Bonamici
Boyle, Brendan F.
Brady (PA)
Brown (FL)
Brownley (CA)
Bustos
Butterfield
Capps
Capuano
Caardenas
Carney
Carson (IN)
Cartwright
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chu, Judy
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clarke (NY)
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Cohen
Connolly
Conyers
Cooper
Costa
Courtney
Crowley
Cuellar
Cummings
Davis (CA)
Davis, Danny
DeFazio
DeGette
Delaney
DeLauro
DelBene
DeSaulnier
Deutch
Dingell
Doggett
Doyle, Michael F.
Duckworth
Edwards
Ellison
Engel
Eshoo
Esty
Farr
Fattah
Foster
Frankel (FL)
Fudge
Gabbard
Gallego
Garamendi
Graham
Grayson
Green, Al
Green, Gene
Grijalva
Gutieerrez
Hahn
Heck (WA)
Higgins
Himes
Hinojosa
Honda
Hoyer
Huffman
Israel
Jackson Lee
Jeffries
Johnson (GA)
Johnson, E. B.
Kaptur
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Kennedy
Kildee
Kilmer
Kind
Kirkpatrick
Kuster
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Larson (CT)
Lawrence
Lee
Levin
Lewis
Lieu, Ted
Lipinski
Loebsack
Lofgren
Lowenthal
Lowey
Lujan Grisham (NM)
Lujaan, Ben Ray (NM)
Lynch
Maloney, Carolyn
Maloney, Sean
Matsui
McCollum
McDermott
McGovern
McNerney
Meeks
Meng
Moore
Moulton
Nadler
Napolitano
Neal
Nolan
Norcross
O'Rourke
Pallone
Pascrell
Payne
Pelosi
Perlmutter
Peters
Pingree
Pocan
Polis
Price (NC)
Quigley
Rangel
Rice (NY)
Richmond
Roybal-Allard
Ruiz
Ruppersberger
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Saanchez, Linda T.
Sanchez, Loretta
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schiff
Schrader
Scott (VA)
Scott, David
Serrano
Sewell (AL)
Sherman
Sinema
Sires
Slaughter
Speier
Swalwell (CA)
Takai
Takano
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Titus
Tonko
Torres
Tsongas
Van Hollen
Vargas
Veasey
Vela
Velaazquez
Visclosky
Walz
Waters, Maxine
Watson Coleman
Welch
Wilson (FL)
Yarmuth
NOES--239
Abraham
Aderholt
Allen
Amash
Amodei
Babin
Barletta
Barr
Barton
Benishek
Bilirakis
Bishop (MI)
Bishop (UT)
Black
Blackburn
Blum
Bost
Boustany
Brat
Bridenstine
Brooks (AL)
Brooks (IN)
Buchanan
Buck
Bucshon
Burgess
Byrne
Calvert
Carter (GA)
Carter (TX)
Chabot
Chaffetz
Clawson (FL)
Coffman
Cole
Collins (GA)
Collins (NY)
Comstock
Conaway
Cook
Costello (PA)
Cramer
Crawford
Crenshaw
Culberson
Davis, Rodney
Denham
Dent
DeSantis
DesJarlais
Diaz-Balart
Dold
Duffy
Duncan (SC)
Duncan (TN)
Ellmers (NC)
Emmer (MN)
Farenthold
Fincher
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Fleming
Flores
Forbes
Fortenberry
Foxx
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Garrett
Gibbs
Gibson
Gohmert
Goodlatte
Gosar
Gowdy
Granger
Graves (GA)
Graves (LA)
Griffith
Grothman
Guinta
Guthrie
Hanna
Hardy
Harper
Harris
Hartzler
Heck (NV)
Hensarling
Herrera Beutler
Hice, Jody B.
Hill
Holding
Hudson
Huelskamp
Huizenga (MI)
Hultgren
Hunter
Hurd (TX)
Hurt (VA)
Issa
Jenkins (KS)
Jenkins (WV)
Johnson (OH)
Johnson, Sam
Jolly
Jones
Jordan
Joyce
Katko
Kelly (PA)
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kinzinger (IL)
Kline
Knight
Labrador
Lamborn
Lance
Latta
LoBiondo
Long
Loudermilk
Love
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Lummis
MacArthur
Marchant
Marino
Massie
McCarthy
McCaul
McClintock
McHenry
McKinley
McMorris Rodgers
McSally
Meadows
Meehan
Messer
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Moolenaar
Mooney (WV)
Mullin
Mulvaney
Murphy (PA)
Neugebauer
Newhouse
Noem
Nugent
Nunes
Palazzo
Palmer
Paulsen
Pearce
Perry
Peterson
Pittenger
Pitts
Poe (TX)
Poliquin
Pompeo
Posey
Price, Tom
Ratcliffe
Reed
Reichert
Renacci
Ribble
Rice (SC)
Rigell
Roby
Roe (TN)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rohrabacher
Rokita
Rooney (FL)
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Ross
Rothfus
Rouzer
Royce
Russell
Ryan (WI)
Salmon
Sanford
Scalise
Schweikert
Scott, Austin
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Shimkus
Shuster
Simpson
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Stefanik
Stewart
Stivers
Stutzman
Thompson (PA)
Thornberry
Tiberi
Tipton
Trott
Turner
Upton
Valadao
Wagner
Walberg
Walden
Walker
Walorski
Walters, Mimi
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Wenstrup
Westerman
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Williams
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Womack
Woodall
Yoder
Yoho
Young (AK)
Young (IA)
Young (IN)
Zeldin
Zinke
NOT VOTING--9
Brady (TX)
Curbelo (FL)
Graves (MO)
Hastings
LaMalfa
Murphy (FL)
Olson
Smith (WA)
Wasserman Schultz
{time} 1635
So the motion to recommit was rejected.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. The question is on the passage of the bill.
The question was taken; and the Speaker pro tempore announced that
the ayes appeared to have it.
Recorded Vote
Mr. SCHIFF. Mr. Speaker, I demand a recorded vote.
A recorded vote was ordered.
The SPEAKER pro tempore. This is a 5-minute vote.
The vote was taken by electronic device, and there were--ayes 307,
noes 116, not voting 8, as follows:
[Roll No. 170]
AYES--307
Abraham
Adams
Aderholt
Aguilar
Allen
Amodei
Ashford
Babin
Barletta
Barr
Beatty
Benishek
Bera
Beyer
Bilirakis
Bishop (GA)
Bishop (MI)
Bishop (UT)
Black
Blackburn
Blum
Bost
Boustany
Boyle, Brendan F.
Brooks (AL)
Brooks (IN)
Brown (FL)
Brownley (CA)
Buck
Bucshon
Burgess
Bustos
Butterfield
Byrne
Calvert
Caardenas
Carney
Carson (IN)
Carter (GA)
Carter (TX)
Castor (FL)
Castro (TX)
Chabot
Chaffetz
Clarke (NY)
Clay
Cleaver
Clyburn
Coffman
Cole
Collins (GA)
Collins (NY)
Comstock
Conaway
Connolly
Cook
Cooper
Costa
Costello (PA)
Cramer
Crawford
Crenshaw
Crowley
Cuellar
Culberson
Davis (CA)
Davis, Rodney
Delaney
Denham
Dent
DeSantis
DeSaulnier
Diaz-Balart
Dingell
Dold
Duckworth
Duffy
Duncan (TN)
Ellmers (NC)
Emmer (MN)
Engel
Farenthold
Farr
Fincher
Fitzpatrick
Fleischmann
Flores
Forbes
Fortenberry
Foster
Foxx
Frankel (FL)
Franks (AZ)
Frelinghuysen
Fudge
Gallego
Garamendi
Gibbs
Goodlatte
Gowdy
Graham
Granger
Graves (GA)
Green, Gene
Guthrie
Gutieerrez
Hanna
Hardy
Harper
Hartzler
Heck (NV)
Heck (WA)
Hensarling
Herrera Beutler
Higgins
Hill
Himes
Hinojosa
Holding
Hoyer
Hudson
Huizenga (MI)
Hultgren
Hunter
Hurd (TX)
Hurt (VA)
Israel
Jackson Lee
Jeffries
Jenkins (KS)
Jenkins (WV)
Johnson (OH)
Johnson, Sam
Jolly
Joyce
Kaptur
Katko
[[Page H2398]]
Keating
Kelly (IL)
Kelly (PA)
Kennedy
Kilmer
Kind
King (IA)
King (NY)
Kinzinger (IL)
Kirkpatrick
Kline
Knight
Kuster
LaMalfa
Lamborn
Lance
Langevin
Larsen (WA)
Latta
Lawrence
Levin
Lipinski
LoBiondo
Loebsack
Long
Love
Lowey
Lucas
Luetkemeyer
Lujan Grisham (NM)
Lujaan, Ben Ray (NM)
MacArthur
Maloney, Carolyn
Maloney, Sean
Marchant
Marino
McCarthy
McCaul
McHenry
McKinley
McMorris Rodgers
McNerney
McSally
Meadows
Meehan
Meeks
Meng
Messer
Mica
Miller (FL)
Miller (MI)
Moolenaar
Moore
Moulton
Mullin
Mulvaney
Murphy (PA)
Neal
Neugebauer
Newhouse
Noem
Norcross
Nugent
Nunes
Palazzo
Palmer
Pascrell
Paulsen
Payne
Pearce
Pelosi
Perlmutter
Peters
Peterson
Pittenger
Pitts
Poliquin
Pompeo
Price (NC)
Price, Tom
Quigley
Ratcliffe
Reed
Reichert
Renacci
Rice (NY)
Rice (SC)
Richmond
Rigell
Roby
Roe (TN)
Rogers (AL)
Rogers (KY)
Rohrabacher
Rokita
Rooney (FL)
Ros-Lehtinen
Roskam
Ross
Rothfus
Rouzer
Royce
Ruiz
Ruppersberger
Russell
Ryan (WI)
Sanchez, Loretta
Scalise
Schiff
Schrader
Scott, Austin
Scott, David
Sensenbrenner
Sessions
Sewell (AL)
Shimkus
Shuster
Simpson
Sinema
Sires
Smith (MO)
Smith (NE)
Smith (NJ)
Smith (TX)
Speier
Stefanik
Stewart
Stivers
Swalwell (CA)
Takai
Thompson (CA)
Thompson (MS)
Thompson (PA)
Thornberry
Tiberi
Tipton
Titus
Torres
Trott
Turner
Upton
Valadao
Vargas
Veasey
Visclosky
Wagner
Walberg
Walden
Walker
Walorski
Walters, Mimi
Weber (TX)
Webster (FL)
Wenstrup
Westerman
Westmoreland
Whitfield
Williams
Wilson (FL)
Wilson (SC)
Wittman
Womack
Woodall
Yoder
Yoho
Young (AK)
Young (IA)
Young (IN)
Zeldin
Zinke
NOES--116
Amash
Barton
Bass
Becerra
Blumenauer
Bonamici
Brady (PA)
Brat
Bridenstine
Buchanan
Capps
Capuano
Cartwright
Chu, Judy
Cicilline
Clark (MA)
Clawson (FL)
Cohen
Conyers
Courtney
Cummings
Davis, Danny
DeFazio
DeGette
DeLauro
DelBene
DesJarlais
Deutch
Doggett
Doyle, Michael F.
Duncan (SC)
Edwards
Ellison
Eshoo
Esty
Fattah
Fleming
Gabbard
Garrett
Gibson
Gohmert
Gosar
Graves (LA)
Grayson
Green, Al
Griffith
Grijalva
Grothman
Guinta
Hahn
Harris
Hice, Jody B.
Honda
Huelskamp
Huffman
Issa
Johnson (GA)
Johnson, E. B.
Jones
Jordan
Kildee
Labrador
Larson (CT)
Lee
Lewis
Lieu, Ted
Lofgren
Loudermilk
Lowenthal
Lummis
Lynch
Massie
Matsui
McClintock
McCollum
McDermott
McGovern
Mooney (WV)
Nadler
Napolitano
Nolan
O'Rourke
Pallone
Perry
Pingree
Pocan
Poe (TX)
Polis
Posey
Rangel
Ribble
Roybal-Allard
Rush
Ryan (OH)
Salmon
Saanchez, Linda T.
Sanford
Sarbanes
Schakowsky
Schweikert
Scott (VA)
Serrano
Sherman
Slaughter
Stutzman
Takano
Tonko
Tsongas
Van Hollen
Vela
Velaazquez
Walz
Waters, Maxine
Watson Coleman
Welch
Yarmuth
NOT VOTING--8
Brady (TX)
Curbelo (FL)
Graves (MO)
Hastings
Murphy (FL)
Olson
Smith (WA)
Wasserman Schultz
{time} 1642
So the bill was passed.
The result of the vote was announced as above recorded.
A motion to reconsider was laid on the table.
____________________