Congressional Record: February 15, 2006 (Senate)
Page S1338-S1344
USA PATRIOT ACT ADDITIONAL REAUTHORIZING AMENDMENTS ACT OF 2006--MOTION
TO PROCEED
[...]
The PRESIDING OFFICER. The Senator from West Virginia is recognized.
Mr. BYRD. Mr. President, I thank the distinguished Senator from
Vermont for his characteristic kindness and courtesy. I thank the
distinguished Senator who has been alone in opposing this act in the
beginning, at a time when I wish I had voted as he did.
In June 2004, 10 peace activists outside of Halliburton, Inc., in
Houston gathered to protest the company's war profiteering. They wore
paper hats and were handing out peanut butter and jelly sandwiches,
calling attention to Halliburton's overcharging on a food contract for
American troops in Iraq.
Unbeknownst to them, they were being watched. U.S. Army personnel at
the top secret Counterintelligence Field Activity, or CIFA, saw the
protest as a potential threat to national security.
CIFA was created 3 years ago by the Defense Department. Its official
role is forced protection; that is, tracking threat and terrorist plots
against military installations and personnel inside the United States.
In 2003, then Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz authorized a
fact-gathering operation code named TALON, which stands for Threat and
Local Observation Notice, which would collect raw information about
suspicious incidents and feed it to CIFA.
In the case of the ``peanut butter'' demonstration, the Army wrote a
report on the activity and stored it where? In its files. Newsweek
magazine has reported that some TALON reports may have contained
information on U.S. citizens that has been retained in Pentagon files.
A senior Pentagon official has admitted that the names of these U.S.
citizens could number in the thousands. Is this where we are heading?
Is this where we are heading in
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this land of the free? Are secret Government programs that spy on
American citizens proliferating? The question is not, is Big Brother
watching? The question is, how many big brothers have we?
Ever since the New York Times revealed that President George W. Bush
has personally authorized surveillance of American citizens without
obtaining a warrant, I have become increasingly concerned about dangers
to the people's liberty. I believe that both current law and the
Constitution may have been violated, not just once, not twice, but many
times, and in ways that the Congress and the American people may never
know because of this White House and its penchant for control and
secrecy.
We cannot continue to claim we are a nation of laws and not of men if
our laws, and indeed even the Constitution of the United States itself,
may be summarily breached because of some determination of expediency
or because the President says, ``Trust me.''
The Fourth Amendment reads clearly:
The right of the people to be secure in their persons,
houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches
and seizures shall not be violated, and no warrants shall
issue, but upon probable cause, supported by oath or
affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be
searched, and the persons or things to be seized.
The Congress has already granted the executive branch rather
extraordinary authority with changes in the Foreign Intelligence
Surveillance Act that allow the Government 72 hours after surveillance
has begun to apply for a warrant. If this surveillance program is what
the President says it is, a program to eavesdrop upon known terrorists
in other countries who are conversing with Americans, then there should
be no difficulty in obtaining a warrant within 72 hours. One might be
tempted to suspect that the real reason the President authorized
warrantless surveillance is because there is no need to have to bother
with the inconveniences of probable cause. Without probable cause as a
condition of spying on American citizens, the National Security Agency
could, and can, under this President's direction, spy on anyone, and
for any reason.
How do you like that? How about that? We have only the President's
word, his ``trust me,'' to protect the privacy of the law-abiding
citizens of this country. One must be especially wary of an
administration that seems to feel that what it judges to be a good end
always justifies any means. It is, in fact, not only illegal under our
system, but it is morally reprehensible to spy on citizens without
probable cause of wrongdoing.
When such practices are sanctioned by our own President, what is the
message we are sending to other countries that the United States is
trying to convince to adopt our system? It must be painfully obvious
that a President who can spy on any citizen is very unlike the model of
democracy the administration is trying to sell abroad.
In the name of ``fighting terror,'' are we to sacrifice every freedom
to a President's demand? How far are we to go? Can a President order
warrantless, house-to-house searches of a neighborhood where he
suspects a terrorist may be hiding? Can he impose new restrictions on
what can be printed, what can be broadcast, what can be uttered
privately because of some perceived threat--perceived by him--to
national security? Laughable thoughts? I think not.
This administration has so traumatized the people of this Nation, and
many in the Congress, that some will swallow whole whatever rubbish
that is spewed from this White House, as long as it is in some tenuous
way connected to the so-called war on terror. And the phrase ``war on
terror,'' while catchy, certainly is a misnomer. Terror is a tactic
used by all manner of violent organizations to achieve their goal. This
has been around since time began and will likely be with us until the
last day of planet Earth.
We were attacked by bin Laden and by his organization, al-Qaida. If
anything, what we are engaged in should more properly be called a war
on the al-Qaida network. But that is too limiting for an administration
that loves power as much as this one. A war on the al-Qaida network
might conceivably be over someday. A war on the al-Qaida network might
have achievable, measurable objectives, and it would be less able to be
used as a rationale for almost any Government action. It would be
harder to periodically traumatize the U.S. public, thereby justifying a
reason for stamping ``secret'' on far too many Government programs and
activities.
Why hasn't Congress been thoroughly briefed on the President's secret
eavesdropping program, or on other secret domestic monitoring programs
run by the Pentagon or other Government entities? Is it because keeping
official secrets prevents annoying congressional oversight? Revealing
this program in its entirety to too many Members of Congress could
certainly have unmasked its probable illegality at a much earlier date,
and may have allowed Members of Congress to pry information out of the
White House that the Senate Judiciary Committee could not pry out of
Attorney General Gonzales, who seemed generally confused about for whom
he works--the public or his old boss, the President.
Attorney General Gonzales refused to divulge whether purely domestic
communications have also been caught up in this warrantless
surveillance, and he refused to assure the Senate Judiciary Committee
and the American public that the administration has not deliberately
tapped Americans' telephone calls and computers or searched their homes
without warrants. Nor would he reveal whether even a single arrest has
resulted from the program.
What about the first amendment? What about the chilling effect that
warrantless eavesdropping is already having on those law-abiding
American citizens who may not support the war in Iraq, or who may
simply communicate with friends or relatives overseas? Eventually, the
feeling that no conversation is private will cause perfectly innocent
people to think carefully before they candidly express opinions or even
say something in jest.
Already we have heard suggestions that freedom of the press should be
subject to new restrictions. Who among us can feel comfortable knowing
that the National Security Agency has been operating with an expansive
view of its role since 2001, forwarding wholesale information from
foreign intelligence communication intercepts involving American
citizens, including the names of individuals to the FBI, in a departure
from past practices, and tapping some of the country's main
telecommunication arteries in order to trace and analyze information?
The administration could have come to Congress to address any aspects
of the FISA law in the revised PATRIOT Act which the administration
proposed, but they did not, probably because they wished the completely
unfettered power to do whatever they pleased, the laws and the
Constitution be damned.
I plead with the American public to tune in to what is happening in
this country. Please forget the political party with which you may
usually be associated and, instead, think about the right of due
process, the presumption of innocence, and the right to a private life.
Forget the now tired political spin that if one does not support
warrantless spying, then one may be less than patriotic.
Focus on what is happening to truth in this country and then read
President Bush's statement to a Buffalo, NY, audience on April 24,
2004:
Any time you hear the United States Government talking
about wiretap, it requires--a wiretap requires a court order.
Nothing has changed, by the way. When we are talking about
chasing down terrorists, we are talking about getting a court
order before we do so.
That statement is false, and the President knew it was false when he
made it because he had authorized the Government to wiretap without a
court order shortly after the 2001 attacks.
This President, in my judgment, may have broken the law and most
certainly has violated the spirit of the Constitution and the public
trust.
Yet I hear strange comments coming from some Members of Congress to
the effect that, well, if the President has broken the law, let's just
change the law. That is tantamount to saying that whatever the
President does is legal, and the last time we heard that claim was from
the White House of Richard M. Nixon. Congress must rise to the occasion
and demand answers to the serious questions surrounding warrantless
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spying. And Congress must stop being spooked by false charges that
unless it goes along in blind obedience with every outrageous violation
of the separation of powers, it is soft on terrorism. Perhaps we can
take courage from the American Bar Association which, on Monday,
February 13, denounced President Bush's warrantless surveillance and
expressed the view that he had exceeded his constitutional powers.
There is a need for a thorough investigation of all of our domestic
spying programs. We have to know what is being done by whom and to
whom. We need to know if the Federal Intelligence Surveillance Act has
been breached and if the Constitutional rights of thousands of
Americans have been violated without cause. The question is: Can the
Congress, under control of the President's political party, conduct the
type of thorough, far-ranging investigation which is necessary. It is
absolutely essential that Congress try because it is vital to at least
attempt the proper restoration of the checks and balances.
Unfortunately, in a Congressional election year, the effort will most
likely be seriously hampered by politics. In fact, today's Washington
Post reports that an all-out White House lobbying campaign has
dramatically slowed the congressional probe of NSA spying and may kill
it.
I want to know how many Americans have been spied upon. Yes, I want
to know how it is determined which individuals are monitored and who
makes such determinations. Yes, I want to know if the
telecommunications industry is involved in a massive screening of the
domestic telephone calls of ordinary Americans like you and me. I want
to know if the U.S. Post Office is involved. I want to know, and the
American people deserve to know, if the law has been broken and the
Constitution has been breached.
Historian Lord Acton once observed that:
Everything secret degenerates, even the administration of
justice; nothing is safe that does not show how it can bear
discussion and publicity.
The culture of secrecy, which has deepened since the attacks on
September 11, has presented this Nation with an awful dilemma. In order
to protect this open society, are we to believe that measures must be
taken that in insidious and unconstitutional ways close it down? I
believe that the answer must be an emphatic ``no.''
I yield the floor.