[Page: S8261]
In order to shed some light on the activities of the PMOI, I have asked the Federal Bureau of Investigation to update the review of open sources on the PMOI that it first issued in 1987. Although the Director of the FBI has indicated a willingness to provide me information in a classified briefing, thus far, my efforts to obtain an update of the 1987 report have been rebuffed.
I ask that my correspondence with the Director of the FBI, Secretary Christopher and Attorney General Reno be included in the Record following my remarks.
As I have stated in my correspondence to the Director, Attorney General, and Secretary of State, I believe that the Congress, and more importantly, the American people have a right to know the broad results of U.S. Government investigations into the PMOI. We cannot deal with this issue through classified briefings. These may be helpful in briefing individual Members, but they do not serve the purpose of informing the Congress or the American people.
The PMOI has become a major lobbying group. It has lobbied Members of the Senate and the House. It has lobbied the President and his wife. It has conducted fund-raising efforts throughout the United States, and it is actively lobbying members of the Iranian-American community. Some U.S. Government officials repeatedly give background briefings attacking this group while other U.S. Government officials meet with its representatives on a very different basis.
The U.S. Government must not become the unwitting tool of any political group engaged in any of the following activity:
Attacks on American citizens, other foreigners, and Iranian citizens and officials during the time of the Shah.
Involvement in a civil war in which it took a strong anti-American and anti-Western stance, was a more extreme left wing movement than Iran's Tudeh Communist Party, and regularly used terrorism and assassination during the struggle for power following the Shah.
Involvement in a Saddam Hussein funded and supported military movement attacking Iran during the Iran-Iraq war, and in maintaining such a military movement on Iraqi soil during and after the invasion of Kuwait.
Continuing involvement in a low-level struggle of terrorism and counterterrorism with the Rafsanjani government in Iran.
Continuing to accept funds, support, bases, and arms from the Saddam Hussein government in Iraq.
Soliciting political support and funds from the Congress, American citizens, and Iranian exiles on United States soil under the guise of being a democratic coalition and human rights advocate when it remains an extreme leftist group whose secret agenda opposes American values and the security of Israel.
In our efforts to promote democracy in Iran, we must be extremely careful not to support terrorism and extremism. Making sure that the American people and this body are properly informed about the nature of the groups competing for influence in Iran is the best way to avoid these undemocratic extremes. To this end, I believe that it is vital that the FBI report publicly on the activities of the PMOI, and specifically that it update its 1987 report. We need to find a way of supplementing our current reporting patterns of global terrorism and human rights abuses that clearly distinguishes between legitimate democratic opposition groups and those that have terrorist connections.
The material earlier referred to follows:
United States Senate,
June 9, 1993.
William S. Sessions,
Federal Bureau of Investigation,
Washington, DC.
[Page: S8262]
Dear Director Sessions: After reviewing your letter of May 11, 1993, I do not believe that a briefing would be a meaningful or suitable response to my original requests.
I fully recognize the need to protect the rights of Americans and foreign nationals in this country, and to avoid prejudicing an ongoing investigation. At the same time, I see little merit in the FBI's refusal to update an existing report, and a great deal of bureaucratic obfuscation.
As I said in my letter to you of January 25, we cannot deal with this issue through classified briefings. These may be helpful in briefing individual members, but they do not serve the purpose of informing the Congress or the American people.
Let me repeat, there is no question that we have every ethical, moral, and strategic reason to encourage Iraqi and Iranian democratic movements, to halt the arms build-up in Iraq and Iran, and to do everything we can to pressure Iraq and Iran to adopt the rule of law and protect the human rights of all their citizens.
Yet, anyone can use the rhetoric of democracy. Anyone can hide behind the flag of human rights. Anyone can attempt to exploit our opposition to the current regimes in Iraq and Iran, and our ethical and moral beliefs. This is particularly true in two countries filled with political, ethnic, and religious turmoil and without real democratic traditions. It is particularly true because Iran is actively arming and encouraging Iraqi groups that oppose Saddam Hussein, and Saddam Hussein is actively arming Iranian groups that oppose Rafsanjani.
We must be extremely careful not to support terrorism in the name of anti-terrorism, front groups in the name of democracy, or extremist opposition groups in the name of human rights. We must not take sides between factions, and we must not encourage violence in the name of democracy. this is why I first wrote you in December, 1992 to ask for an update of the FBI's 1987 report on the People's Mujahedin of Iran (PMOI).
The fact remains that the PMOI has become a major lobbying group. It has lobbied members of the Senate and the House. It has lobbied the President and his wife. It has conducted fund raising efforts throughout the United States, and it is actively lobbying members of the Iranian-American community. The fact remains that some U.S. government officials repeatedly give background briefings attacking this group while other U.S. government officials meet with its representatives on a very different basis.
I have just received another report on this group, which seems to be from a hostile Iranian group and which has been widely circulated to members of Congress. I am attaching this to my letter, and while I have no way to evaluate its contents, there is no doubt that serious questions still exist about the real nature of the PMOI.
The fact remains that the U.S. government must not become the unwitting tool of any political group that engages in any of the following heritage, belief, or actions that have been listed in the FBI's 1987 report and recent reporting by the Congressional Research Service:
Attacks on American citizens, other foreigners, and Iranian citizens and officials during the time of the Shah.
Involvement in a civil war in which it took a strong anti-American and anti-Western stance, was a more extreme left wing movement than Iran's Tudeh Communist Party, and regularly used terrorism and assassination during the struggle for power following the Shah.
Involvement in a Saddam Hussein funded and supported military movement attacking Iran during the Iran-Iraq War, and in maintaining such a military movement on Iraqi soil during and after the invasion of Kuwait.
Continuing involvement in a low level struggle of terrorism and counter-terrorism with the Rafsanjani government in Iran.
Continuing to accept funds, support, bases, and arms from the Saddam Hussein government in Iraq.
Soliciting political support and funds from the Congress, American citizens, and Iranian exiles on U.S. soil under the guise of being a democratic coalition and human rights advocate when it remains an extreme leftist group whose secret agenda opposes American values and the security of Israel.
The only way that PMOI involvement in these activities can be realistically assessed is for the FBI to provide an unclassified report that addresses each of these points.
If, upon further investigation, the FBI finds that the PMOI has not engaged in any of the activities mentioned above, then it has more credibility as a legitimate democratic movement. It should be free of the kind of indirect allegations made by the State Department and other executive agencies. The fact remains that no group operating in American politics should be forced to live in limbo, or in a climate where U.S. officials informally criticize it, if it has not engaged in any wrongdoing.
If the facts are uncertain, then the Congress, the American people, the media, and Iranian exiles in America deserve to know the truth about such uncertainties, and make their own judgments. If the PMOI has engaged in the activities noted above, then we must take appropriate judicial action and we must not treat it as a legitimate opposition to Iran's current government until it has fundamentally changed its character and leadership.
To put it bluntly, your response on this issue to date reminds me of another Director that denied the existence of the Mafia for nearly two decades, and allowed it to become a critical law enforcement problem. It reminds me that that same Director had to be forced by Presidential and Congressional pressure to come to grips with the need to protect the civil rights of Afro-Americans and other minorities. The Bureau has an unfortunate history of rushing into situations where it can get favorable publicity and dodging serious problems.
I repeat my continuing caveat on the kind of data the U.S. government should provide. We must never do anything to abridge the First Amendment rights of any group, foreign or domestic. We must continue the struggle for democracy and human rights. We must encourage and support every group that truly advocates freedom and the rule of law that opposes any regime that denies such progress, whether it is Iran, Iraq, or anywhere else in the world.
But, the fact remains that we cannot afford to have a situation where groups can lobby Congress and the American people in the name of democracy, human rights, freedom, and the rule of law whose true nature is very different or who have undisclosed ties to foreign governments, those who use violence, and those who use terrorism. We cannot afford to allow such groups to raise funds in the United States without the Congress and the American people knowing their true nature.
We have already seen in the case of the World Trade Center bombing that it does no good to dodge these issues, rush to judgment in a flurry of media events, and then watch an uninformed media, public, and Congress start to assign the blame against Arab or Islamic groups in general, Hamas, Iran, or Iraq.
With the end of the Cold War, it has become even more important to identify real terrorists and make it clear when the government does not feel groups support terrorist actions or act as fronts for them. There also is little point in maintaining a list of terrorist countries and then failing to identify the terrorist organizations that actually operate in the United States.
Quite frankly, this situation is absurd. The FBI has already written an unclassified report on the group in question. The United States government repeatedly takes background positions, and is supposed to be in the middle of a major exercise to open up the process of government and reduce unnecessary classification.
You have ample tools available to update your existing report. As I have noted in earlier correspondence, you have already shown that it is possible to summarize the results of U.S. government investigations without disclosing sensitive sources and methods.
I would like to resolve this issue without legislation or confrontation, but I do not believe that further delay and correspondence is a substitute for action. Your office has already repeatedly delayed its responses to my previous letters, in one case by nearly three months, and even initially denied that the FBI was the source of a report that it had passed to Senate security.
As a result, I would like to have your formal agreement or non-agreement to provide the requested update no later than June 24, 1993. If necessary, please coordinate this response with Attorney General Reno and Secretary of State Christopher.
Sincerely,
John McCain,
United States Senator.
U.S. Senate,
June 9, 1993.
Hon. Janet Reno,
Department of Justice, Washington, DC.
[Page: S8263]
Dear Ms. Reno: I am enclosing copies of an exchange of correspondence with William S. Sessions, the Director of the FBI, that I find deeply disturbing. It is both non-responsive and ignores a major problem in dealing with foreign groups that lobby the Congress and American people.
The issue involved is my request for an update of a report the FBI issued on the People's Mujahedin of Iraq (PMOI) in 1987. I believe that the Congress, and more importantly the American people, has a right to know the broad results of U.S. government investigations into this group, and whether it does or does not have terrorist connections.
I also believe that the Executive Branch cannot operate according to a dual standard in dealing with such groups. It cannot, on the one hand, provide `unofficial' briefings to the media, Congress, and others that condemn such a group or associate it with terrorism, and then refuse to summarize its conclusions and the facts that support them. This is particularly true when an FBI report, official or unofficial, is already in broad circulation.
Let me make the same point to you that I have made to Director Sessions in my correspondence to him. I fully recognize the need to protect the rights of Americans and foreign nationals in this country, and to avoid prejudicing an ongoing investigation. At the same time, I see no merit in the FBI's refusal to update an existing report, and a great deal of bureaucratic obfuscation.
I also see indifference to a major problem in dealing with terrorism and political extremism in the post-Cold War era. We have every ethical, moral, and strategic reason to encourage Iraqi and Iranian democratic movements, to halt the arms build-up in Iraq and Iran, and to do everything we can to pressure Iraq and Iran to adopt the rule of law and protect the human rights of all their citizens.
Yet, anyone can use the rhetoric of democracy. Anyone can hide behind the flag of human rights. Anyone can attempt to exploit our opposition to the current regimes in Iraq and Iran, and our ethical and moral beliefs. This is particularly true in two countries filled with political, ethnic, and religious turmoil and without real democratic traditions. It is particularly true because Iran is actively arming and encouraging Iraqi groups that oppose Saddam Hussein, and Saddam Hussein is actively arming Iranian groups that oppose Rafsanjani.
There is little point in issuing a long series of public and unclassified reports on terrorist activities overseas if we cannot link our anti-terrorist effort to dealing with groups that operate in the United States. We must have some way in which to access the investigative and intelligence efforts of the United States government that will prevent members of Congress, the media, and the American public from supporting terrorism in the name of anti-terrorism, front groups in the name of democracy, and/or extremist opposition groups in the name of human rights.
The PMOI is a classic case in point. It has become a major lobbying group. It has lobbied members of the Senate and the House. It has lobbied the President and his wife. It has conducted fund raising efforts throughout the United States, and it is actively lobbying members of the Iranian-American community. At the same time, U.S. government officials have repeatedly given background briefings attacking this group while other U.S. government officials meet with its representatives on a very different basis.
There is no question that the Executive Branch should protect sensitive investigative and intelligence data. At the same time, it should not refuse to provide an adequate warning of activities that would allow members of Congress or the public to become the unwitting tool of any political group that engages in any of the following kinds of activities (all of which are listed in the FBI's 1987 report and recent reporting by the Congressional Research Service);
Attacks on American citizens, other foreigners, and Iranian citizens and officials during the time of the Shah.
Involvement in a civil war in which it took a strong anti-American and anti-Western stance, was a more extreme left wing movement than Iran's Tudeh Communist Party, and regularly used terrorism and assassination during the struggle for power following the Shah.
Involvement in a Saddam Hussein funded and supported military movement attacking Iran during the Iran-Iraq War, and in maintaining such a military movement on Iraqi soil during and after the invasion of Kuwait.
Continuing involvement in a low level struggle of terrorism and counter-terrorism with the Rafsanjani government in Iran.
Continuing to accept funds, support, bases, and arms from the Saddam Hussein government in Iraq.
Soliciting political support and funds from the Congress, American citizens, and Iranian exiles on U.S. soil under the guise of being a democratic coalition and human rights advocate when it remains an extreme leftist group whose secret agenda opposes American values and the security of Israel.
The only way that PMOI involvement in these activities can be realistically assessed is to provide an unclassified report that addresses each of these points. Background briefings, special access briefings, and classified material do not provide effective warnings to Congress, the public, or the media. They also allow U.S. government officials to condemn the PMOI or any similar group without a hearing.
As I have stressed from the start in my correspondence with Director Sessions, we must never do anything to abridge the First Amendment rights of any group, foreign or domestic. We must continue the struggle for democracy and human rights. We must encourage and support every group that truly advocates freedom and the rule of law that opposes any regime that denies such progress, whether it is Iran, Iraq, or anywhere else in the world.
If, upon further investigation, the FBI, Department of Justice, and State Department, and the intelligence community find that the PMOI has not engaged in any of the activities mentioned above, then it has more credibility as a legitimate democratic movement. It should be free of the kind of indirect allegations made by the State Department and other executive agencies. The fact remains that no group operating in American politics should be forced to live in limbo, or in a climate where U.S. officials informally criticize it, if it has not engaged in any wrongdoing.
If the facts are uncertain, then the Congress, the American people, the media, and Iranian exiles in America deserve to know the truth about such uncertainties, and make their own judgments. If the PMOI has engaged in the activities noted above, then we must take appropriate judicial action and we must not treat it as a legitimate opposition to Iran's current government until it has fundamentally changed its character and leadership.
I have asked Director Sessions repeatedly to come to grips with this issue, and to update the FBI's 1987 report. I would be grateful if you would consult with Secretary Christopher, and intervene in this matter to make sure that I get a full and timely response that reflects the views of the Department of Justice and State Department, as well as the FBI, and that no further effort is made to avoid coming to grips with the core issues involved.
Sincerely,
John McCain, United States Senator.
United States Senate
June 9, 1993.
Hon. Warren M. Christopher,
Department of State, Washington, DC.
Dear Secretary Christopher: I am enclosing copies of an exchange of correspondence with William S. Sessions, the Director of the FBI, that I find deeply disturbing. It is both non-responsive and ignores a major problem in dealing with foreign groups that lobby the Congress and American people.
The issue involved is my request for an update of a report the FBI issued on the People's Mujahedin of Iraq (PMOI) in 1987. I believe that the Congress, and more importantly the American people, has a right to know the broad results of U.S. government investigations into this group, and whether it does or does not have terrorist connections.
I also believe that the Executive Branch cannot operate according to a dual standard in dealing with such groups. It cannot, on the one hand, provide `unofficial' briefings to the media, Congress, and others that condemn such a group or associate it with terrorism, and then refuse to summarize its conclusions and the facts that support them. This is particularly true when an FBI report, official or unofficial, is already in broad circulation.
Let me make the same point to you that I have made to Director Sessions in my correspondence to him. I fully recognize the need to protect the rights of Americans and foreign nationals in this country, and to avoid prejudicing an ongoing investigation. At the same time, I see no merit in the FBI's refusal to update an existing report, and a great deal of bureaucratic obfuscation.
I also see indifference to a major problem in dealing with terrorism and political extremism in the post-Cold War era. We have every ethical, moral, and strategic reason to encourage Iraqi and Iranian democratic movements, to halt the arms build-up in Iraq and Iran, and to do everything we can to pressure Iraq and Iran to adopt the rule of law and protect the human rights of all their citizens.
Yet, anyone can use the rhetoric of democracy. Anyone can hide behind the flag of human rights. Anyone can attempt to exploit our opposition to the current regimes in Iraq and Iran, and our ethical and moral beliefs. This is particularly true in two countries filled with political, ethnic, and religious turmoil and without real democratic traditions. It is particularly true because Iran is actively arming and encouraging Iraqi groups that oppose Saddam Hussein, and Saddam Hussein is actively arming Iranian groups that oppose Rafsanjani.
There is little point in issuing a long series of public and unclassified reports on terrorist activities overseas if we cannot link our anti-terrorist effort to dealing with groups that operate in the United States. We must have some way in which to access the investigative and intelligence efforts of the United States government that will prevent members of Congress, the media, and the American public from supporting terrorism in the name of anti-terrorism, front groups in the name of democracy, and/or extremist opposition groups in the name of human rights.
The PMOI is a classic case in point. It has become a major lobbying group. It has lobbied members of the Senate and the House. It has lobbied the President and his wife. It has conducted fund raising efforts throughout the United States, and it is actively lobbying members of the Iranian-American community. At the same time, U.S. government officials have repeatedly given background briefings attacking this group while other U.S. government officials meet with its representatives on a very different basis.
There is no question that the Executive Branch should protect sensitive investigative and intelligence data. At the same time, it should not refuse to provide an adequate warning of activities that would allow members of Congress or the public to become the unwitting tool of any political group that engages in any of the following kinds of activities (all of which are listed in the FBI's 1987 report and recent reporting by the Congressional Research Service);
Attacks on American citizens, other foreigners, and Iranian citizens and officials during the time of the Shah.
Involvement in a civil war in which it took a strong anti-American and anti-Western stance, was a more extreme left wing movement than Iran's Tudeh Communist Party, and regularly used terrorism and assassination during the struggle for power following the Shah.
Involvement in a Saddam Hussein funded and supported military movement attacking Iran during the Iran-Iraq War, and in maintaining such a military movement on Iraqi soil during and after the invasion of Kuwait.
Continuing involvement in a low level struggle of terrorism and counter-terrorism with the Rafsanjani government in Iran.
Continuing to accept funds, support, bases, and arms from the Saddam Hussein government in Iraq.
Soliciting political support and funds from the Congress, American citizens, and Iranian exiles on U.S. soil under the guise of being a democratic coalition and human rights advocate when it remains an extreme leftist group whose secret agenda opposes American values and the security of Israel.
The only way that PMOI involvement in these activities can be realistically assessed is to provide an unclassified report that addresses each of these points. Background briefings, special access briefings, and classified material do not provide effective warnings to Congress, the public, or the media. They also allow U.S. government officials to condemn the PMOI or any similar group without a hearing.
As I have stressed from the start in my correspondence with Director Sessions, we must never do anything to abridge the First Amendment rights of any group, foreign or domestic. We must continue the struggle for democracy and human rights. We must encourage and support every group that truly advocates freedom and the rule of law that opposes any regime that denies such progress, whether it is Iran, Iraq, or anywhere else in the world.
If, upon further investigation, the FBI, Department of Justice, and State Department, and the intelligence community find that the PMOI has not engaged in any of the activities mentioned above, then it has more credibility as a legitimate democratic movement. It should be free of the kind of indirect allegations made by the State Department and other executive agencies. The fact remains that no group operating in American politics should be forced to live in limbo, or in a climate where U.S. officials informally criticize it, if it has not engaged in any wrongdoing.
If the facts are uncertain, then the Congress, the American people, the media, and Iranian exiles in America deserve to know the truth about such uncertainties, and make their own judgments. If the PMOI has engaged in the activities noted above, then we must take appropriate judicial action and we must not treat it as a legitimate opposition to Iran's current government until it has fundamentally changed its character and leadership.
I have asked Director Sessions repeatedly to come to grips with this issue, and to update the FBI's 1987 report. I would be grateful if you would work with Attorney General Reno in this matter to make sure that I get a full and timely response that reflects the views of the Department of Justice and State Department, as well as the FBI, and that no further effort is made to avoid coming to grips with the core issues involved.
Sincerely,
John McCain, United States Senator.
U.S. Senate,
January 25, 1993.
Mr. William S. Sessions,
Federal Bureau of Investigation,
Washington, DC.
[Page: S8264]
Dear Director Sessions: I have received a letter from John E. Collingwood, the Inspector in Charge of the Office of Public and Congressional Affairs in response to my letter to you of December 15, 1992.
I believe that this response raises a basic public policy issue that cannot be resolved in the way your letter suggests. Whether or not the report I enclosed to you was a formal FBI report, we cannot deal with the issue through classified briefings. These may be helpful in briefing individual members, but they do not serve the purpose of informing the Congress or the American people.
There is no question that we have every ethical, moral, and strategic reason to encourage Iraqi and Iranian democratic movements, to halt the arms build-up in Iraq and Iran, and to do everything we can to pressure Iraq and Iran to adopt the rule of law and protect the human rights of all their citizens.
Yet, anyone can use the rhetoric of democracy. Anyone can hide behind the flag of human rights. Anyone can attempt to exploit our opposition to the current regimes in Iraq and Iran, and our ethical and moral believes. This is particularly true in two countries filled with political, ethnic, and religious turmoil and without real democratic traditions. It is particularly true because Iran is actively arming and encouraging Iraqi groups that oppose Saddam Hussein, and Saddam Hussein is actively arming Iranian groups that oppose Rafsanjani.
We must be extremely careful not to support terrorism in the name of anti-terrorism, front groups in the name of democracy, or extremist opposition groups in the name of human rights. We must not take sides between factions, and we must not encourage violence in the name of democracy.
This is why I wrote you asking for an update of the 1987 report that I received from Senate Security on the People's Mujahedin of Iran (PMOI). The PMOI has become a major lobbying group. It has lobbied members of the Senate and the House. It has lobbied the President elect and his wife. It has conducted fund-raising efforts throughout the United States, and it is actively lobbying members of the Iranian-American community.
Regardless of the exact status of the report I sent you, there is no doubt that serious questions exist about the real nature of the PMOI. There is no doubt that the PMOI is derived from a violent left wing group that carried out the assassination of American officers and civilians in Iran before the fall of the Shah. Similarly, a recent report by the Congressional Research Service raises similar questions about the PMOI. The State Department refuses to meet with this group because of its heritage of extremism.
I agree that we should not take sides in Iranian or Iraqi politic, nor become involved in the complex infighting between Iranian groups in exile. I do believe, however, that we must not start the new Clinton Administration with a new `Irangate.' The U.S. government must not become the unwitting tool of any political group that can accurately be charged with any of the following heritage, belief, or actions:
Attacks on American citizens, other foreigners, and Iranian citizens and officials during the time of the Shah.
Involvement in a civil war in which it took a strong anti-American and anti-Western stance, was a more extreme left wing movement than Iran's Tudeh Communist Party, and regularly used terrorism, and assassination during the struggle for power following the Shah.
Involvement in a Saddam Hussein funded and supported military movement attacking Iran during the Iran-Iraq War, and in maintaining such a military movement on Iraqi soil during and after the invasion of Kuwait.
Continuing involvement in a low level struggle of terrorism and counter-terrorism with the Rafsanjani government in Iran.
Continuing to accept funds, support, bases, an arms from the Saddam Hussein government in Iraq.
Soliciting political support and funds from the Congress, American citizens, and Iranian exiles on U.S. soil under the guise of being a democratic coalition and human rights advocate when it remains an extreme leftist group whose secret agenda opposes American values and the security of Israel.
The only way that any or all of these charges can be resolved is for the FBI to provide an unclassified report that comprehensively addresses each of these points. If the FBI finds that the PMOI is innocent on all the above counts, then it deserves our support as a legitimate democratic movement. It should be free of the kind of indirect charges made by the State Department and other executive agencies, that do not provide formal charges, but indicate that it may be associated with Iraq, with violence, with attacks on Americans, and with terrorism. No group operating in American politics should be forced to live in limbo, or in a climate where U.S. officials informally criticize it, if it is innocent.
If the facts are uncertain, then the Congress, the American people, the media, and Iranian exiles in America deserve to know the truth about such uncertainties, and make their own judgments. If the PMOI is guilty of any or all of these charges, then we must not treat it as a legitimate opposition to Iran's current government until it has fundamentally changed it character and leadership.
I also wish to point out that an important precedent is involved here. We must never do anything to abridge the First Amendment rights of any group, foreign or domestic. We must continue the struggle for democracy and human rights. We must encourage and support every group that truly advocates freedom and the rule of law that opposes any regime that denies such progress, whether it is Iran, Iraq, or anywhere else in the world.
But, we cannot afford to have a situation where groups can lobby Congress and the American people in the name of democracy, human rights, freedom, and the rule of law whose true nature is very different or who have undisclosed ties to foreign governments, those who use violence, and those who use terrorism. We cannot afford to allow such groups to raise funds in the United States without the Congress and the American people knowing their true nature.
Ironically, we have strong rules designed to deal with this situation by requiring Americans who lobby for foreign countries to register with the U.S. government. At the same time, we lack a mechanism that requires the State Department and FBI to maintain a list of groups with suspect ties to foreign governments, movements with a history of attacking U.S. and other nationals, movements with ties to military or terrorist movements, or which covertly advocate violence, extremist ideologies, or which otherwise use the First Amendment in ways that abuse the very causes they claim to defend.
This is also a case where the Executive Branch cannot hide behind the need for national security. First, it is possible to summarize the results of U.S. government investigations without disclosing sensitive sources and methods. We have seen this confirmed in countless government reports which provide such data when it is convenient to support a given policy or program.
Second, groups which really defend the causes we believe in deserve to be free of indirect charges or innuendo. We must never cloud the reputation of any group with indirect charges that cannot be answered or justified.
Third, we are already living in a post Cold War era filled with groups with conflicting agendas that all use the rhetoric of the post-Cold War era, but many of which repackage themselves without having forsworn violence, extremism, or attacks on the things we believe in. We must be able to distinguish the true nature of foreign groups, or groups with foreign ties, if we are to support the groups that really do advocate freedom and human rights, we must know the nature of the wolves who wear freedom's flag.
Accordingly, I again repeat my formal request for an FBI report that will resolve this issue. At the same time, I would like to have your views as to how you intend to address the broader issues involved.
I would be grateful if you could provide my with such a report, and your views on this issue no later than February 15, 1993, so that the report could be circulated to members of the new Congress. I also wish to make it clear that if we cannot resolve this issue on a timely basis, it is my intention to seek legislation that will require such reporting on a comprehensive and regular basis.
Sincerely,
John McCain, United States Senator.
Federal Bureau of Investigation
Washington, DC, May 11, 1993.
Hon. John McCain,
United States Senate, DC.
[Page: S8265]
Dear Senator McCain: Thank you for talking with me this morning about your January 25, 1993, letter requesting additional information regarding the People's Mujahedin of Iran (PMOI). When your staff arranges an appropriate briefing, we can discuss the matter further.
In discussions between FBI Congressional people and a member of your staff, it was indicated that the report which you asked the FBI to update was originally prepared by the FBI from public source information. The FBI, unlike the Congressional Research Service, Library of Congress, does not generally disseminate such reports beyond appropriate law enforcement and intelligence agencies.
As Inspector John E. Collingwood indicated in his letter of January 15, 1993, your request involves certain factors which may restrict the amount of information available for public disclosure. The Privacy Act, Title 5, United States Code (U.S.C.), Section 552a(b)(9), the classified nature of counter terrorism investigations, the possibility of compromising ongoing investigations, and the lack of authority to release information from other agencies/countries, all severely restrict the information available for public disclosure.
The FBI is very sensitive to issues raised during the investigation of any group within the United States, particularly when the alleged criminal activity may be commingled with activity protected by constitutional and statutory safeguards. The conduct of such investigations is governed by Attorney General Guidelines which require a certain level of predication before investigative activity can be conducted.
The maintenance of a list of suspect groups as you suggest has diplomatic implications, which may necessitate the involvement of the Department of State.
Given this mix of factors, the FBI believes that much thought should be given before requiring that the FBI maintain a `list' of offending groups, as suggested by your letter. In this respect, I agree that our position raises a `basic public policy issue' and, therefore, have forwarded your letter to the Department of Justice and Department of State for their consideration. You may wish to contact them directly.
You have always been a great supporter of the FBI in particular and law enforcement in general, and I know your comments are based upon your sincere desire to provide the American people with as much information as possible. I, too share your goal. However, as Director of the FBI, I must abide by existing statutes and guidelines in determining the extent of information available for public release, and insure that public disclosures does not unnecessarily damage the interests of the United States. In this particular case, without policy direction to the contrary, I believe that a public briefing may not serve those interests.
I have directed my staff to maintain contact with your office in order to determine if other alternatives, such as a classified briefing, a Chairman request--as per Title 5, U.S.C., Section 552a(b)(9), or a Freedom of Information Act request, might be appropriate. Should you wish to discuss this matter further please contact me directly or through Supervisory Special Agent Patrick L. Connolly of the FBI's Office of Public and Congressional Affairs, at (202) 324-8381.
Sincerely,
William S. Sessions, Director.
United States Senate,
December 15, 1992.
(Mr. William S. Sessions,
Federal Bureau of Investigation,
Washington, DC.
Dear Mr. Sessions: I am concerned that the People's Mujahedin-E-Khalq is playing an active role in lobbying the U.S. Congress, and in presenting its views on Iran, under conditions where members have no way to learn the history of this organization. I am particularly concerned with its role in terrorism, and its financial ties to Iraq.
Back in 1987, the FBI developed an open source review of this group which provides strong indications that the People's Mujahedin-E-Khalq is a terrorist movement that has participated in the assassination of American citizens and receives most of its funds from Iraq. I have attached a copy of the report to this letter.
I would be grateful if you could have your staff review this report, and provide me with an updated version that could be circulated to members of the Senate and House. If possible, I would like to have such an update no later than January 15, 1993, so that the report could be circulated to members of the new Congress when it comes back into session.
Sincerely,
John McCain,
United States Senator.
Federal Bureau of Investigation,
Washington, DC, January 15, 1993.
Senator John McCain,
United States Senate, Washington, DC.
Dear Senator McCain: Director Sessions has asked that I respond to your letter to him dated December 15, 1992, which requested that the Federal Bureau of Investigation update a report which you enclosed with your letter.
A review of our files indicates that the enclosed report was not prepared by the FBI. However, the FBI would be happy to provide you and other Senators or Staff Members with a briefing regarding the People's Mujahedin-E-Khalq.
As you probably know, the information that the FBI can discuss will depend upon whether your request comes from a Chairman of a Committee with appropriate jurisdiction. With a Chairman request, the FBI can provide you information which would otherwise be protected by the Privacy Act. (See, Title 5, United States Code, Section 552a(b)(9).)
In addition, as a general rule, our counterterrorism briefings may contain classified information which would restrict further dissemination and require that attending staff members have the appropriate security clearance(s).
If you would like to discuss this issue further, please contact Supervisory Special Agent Patrick L. Connolly of my staff at (202) 324-8381.
Sincerely yours,
JOHN E. COLLINGWOOD,
Inspector in Charge,
Office of Public and Congressional Affairs.
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